Berlin| Private Unterkünfte für afghanische/iranische Flüchtlinge gesucht

Lieber Nachbarn aus Berlin,

in diesen Tagen wird viel über Flüchtlinge und deren Unterbringung diskutiert. In allen Bundesländern sind die Kapazitäten längst überschritten. In Duisburg werden jetzt Zeltstädte aufgebaut. Das kann und darf nicht sein.

Flüchtlinge haben einen Anspruch auf eine vernünftige Unterbringung. Hier in Berlin gelingt es derzeit noch in Wohnheimen Plätze zu finden. Doch auch hier scheint das Ende dieser Kapazitäten erreicht zu sein. In dieser Woche hat der Brandenburger CDU-Bundestagsabgeordnete Martin Patzelt die Bürger dieses Landes aufgerufen, Privatquartiere zur Verfügung zu stellen. Diesem Aufruf möchten wir uns anschließen.

In vielen Wohnungen stehen z.B. Kinderzimmer leer, weil die Kinder ausgezogen sind. Und solche Unterbringungsmöglichkeiten suchen wir dringend für afghanische Flüchtlinge. Diese Flüchtlinge, die auf Einladung der Bundesrepublik Deutschland kommen, deren Sicherheit in Afghanistan gefährdet ist, weil sie dort als Sprachmittler oder Mitarbeiter der Bundespolizei oder Bundeswehr tätig waren. Sie haben einen geregelten Aufenthaltsstatus, § 22.2 AufenthG. Wir suchen aber auch für iranische Flüchtlinge passenden Wohnraum. Sie werden in ihrem Land verfolgt und sind gefährdet. Hier in Deutschland sollen sie in Sicherheit leben.

Sie werden zunächst einen Integrationskurs besuchen, die deutsche Sprache lernen, um danach zu studieren, eine Ausbildung machen oder ins Berufsleben einsteigen.

Sie kommen als Einzelpersonen, mit Ehefrau, manchmal aber auch mit Kindern nach Berlin. Für all diese Möglichkeiten suchen wir dringend Wohnraum, sei es für die erste Zeit des Aufenthaltes oder aber als langfristiger Mieter.

Wer kann uns helfen?

Interessierte wenden sich bitte an:

Flüchtlingshilfe Iran e.V. 2010

Schloßstraße 2B, 14059 Berlin

Telefon: 030/ 2236 1830

Telefax: 030/ 2236 1831

Email: lutz.bucklitsch@fluechtlingshilfe-iran.de

Wichtig ist dabei vor allem folgende Angaben hinsichtlich der Aufnahme:

Wofür ist Platz bei Ihnen:

( ) 1 Person männlich

( ) 1 Person weiblich

( ) kinderloses Ehepaar/Lebensgemeinschaft

( ) Familie mit bis zu ___ minderjährigen Kindern

( ) nur Nichtraucher

Menschenwürdige Unterbringung sichern! Gemeinsames Konzept von Land und Kommunen zur Unterbringung von Flüchtlingen im Land Schleswig-Holstein

Dokument: http://www.landtag.ltsh.de/infothek/wahl18/drucks/2100/drucksache-18-2190.pdf
Bericht Innenminister/in Drucksache 18/2190 (16 S)

Vorgangsdetails: http://lissh.lvn.parlanet.de/cgi-bin/starfinder/0?path=lisshfl.txt&id=fastlink&pass=&search=DID%3dK-74681&format=WEBVORGLFL1

 

Brewing Storm Over Hijab in Iran

by Iran 24/07

fashion 2

The Hijab seems to be at the center of a growing storm that threatens to pit Iranian women against the regime. The Hijab, reintroduced to Iranian women by Khomeini in 1979 has long been an issue among human rights activists and Iranian women on one side and conservative mullahs on the other.

The issue of the Hijab is growing as women fight for their freedom while the regime fights for control. Back in March, Iranian London-based journalist Masih Alinejad opened a facebook page called “My Stealthy Freedom” in which Iranian women were invited to upload pictures of themselves “Hijab-less” – it garnered over 600 thousand fans and tens of thousands of brave Iranian women who chose to break the law.  It also created a backlash by conservative hardliners who vowed to punish Alinejad and the Hijab-less women.

According to Article 638 of Iran’s 1996 Islamic Penal Code, “women who appear in the street and public places without the Islamic Hijab will serve time, between ten days and two months, and will have to pay a cash fine”. Morality police hand out tickets which are usually settled through fines although in some instances, women were imprisoned and even whipped.

At the same time, the mullahs and the army are calling for stronger measures to fight “violations of Hijab” fearing that the removing the Hijab is part of a “soft war” against Iran and the basis of the Islamic regime.

President Rouhani’s stance on the Hijab befits his moderate ideals: he is for wearing Hijabs but against zealous enforcement. His tweet congratulating Iranian born professor Maryam Mirzakhani for winning a prestigious math included two pictures of Mirzakhani – one with  a Hijab and one without. The Iranian parliament hit back immediately by issuing a “yellow card” against the Minister of Interior and 195 “hardliners” warned Rouhani to take the Hijab more seriously out of fear that liberation from the Hijab is “one of the major examples of enemiesˈ cultural invasion against Iran” by “changing the lifestyle of the Iranian women”

Brewing Storm Over Hijab in Iran

by Iran 24/07

fashion 2

The Hijab seems to be at the center of a growing storm that threatens to pit Iranian women against the regime. The Hijab, reintroduced to Iranian women by Khomeini in 1979 has long been an issue among human rights activists and Iranian women on one side and conservative mullahs on the other.

The issue of the Hijab is growing as women fight for their freedom while the regime fights for control. Back in March, Iranian London-based journalist Masih Alinejad opened a facebook page called “My Stealthy Freedom” in which Iranian women were invited to upload pictures of themselves “Hijab-less” – it garnered over 600 thousand fans and tens of thousands of brave Iranian women who chose to break the law.  It also created a backlash by conservative hardliners who vowed to punish Alinejad and the Hijab-less women.

According to Article 638 of Iran’s 1996 Islamic Penal Code, “women who appear in the street and public places without the Islamic Hijab will serve time, between ten days and two months, and will have to pay a cash fine”. Morality police hand out tickets which are usually settled through fines although in some instances, women were imprisoned and even whipped.

At the same time, the mullahs and the army are calling for stronger measures to fight “violations of Hijab” fearing that the removing the Hijab is part of a “soft war” against Iran and the basis of the Islamic regime.

President Rouhani’s stance on the Hijab befits his moderate ideals: he is for wearing Hijabs but against zealous enforcement. His tweet congratulating Iranian born professor Maryam Mirzakhani for winning a prestigious math included two pictures of Mirzakhani – one with  a Hijab and one without. The Iranian parliament hit back immediately by issuing a “yellow card” against the Minister of Interior and 195 “hardliners” warned Rouhani to take the Hijab more seriously out of fear that liberation from the Hijab is “one of the major examples of enemiesˈ cultural invasion against Iran” by “changing the lifestyle of the Iranian women”

HARTZ IV: RECHTSWIDRIGE EINGLIEDERUNGSVEREINBARUNG

Wenn das Jobcenter in der Eingliederungsvereinbarung die Einreichung und den Nachweis von mindestens sechs Bewerbungen pro Monat fordert, muss auch eine Zusage zur Erstattung der Bewerbungskosten enthalten sein. Behält sich der Leistungsträger diese aber im Rahmen einer Ermessensentscheidung vor, ist der Eingliederungsverwaltungsakt rechtswidrig. Das entschied das Sozialgericht Gelsenkirchen mit seinem Beschluss vom 18. Juni 2013 (Aktenzeichen: S 43 AS 1316/13.ER). Auf den Beschluss weist Dr. Manfred Hammel vom Caritasverband für Stuttgart e. V. hin.

Jobcenter darf keine bestimmte Anzahl von Bewerbungen fordern, wenn es nicht auch die Übernahme der daraus resultierenden Kosten zusagt
Im konkreten Fall forderte das Jobcenter im Kreis Recklinghausen im Rahmen der Eingliederungsvereinbarung von einem Leistungsberechtigten, dass er pro Monat sechs Bewerbungen einreichen und bei der Behörde nachweisen muss. „Sie unternehmen während der Gültigkeit dieser Eingliederungsvereinbarung – monatlich mindestens sechs Bewerbungsbemühungen auf ausgeschriebene, sozialversicherungspflichtige bzw. geringfügige Beschäftigungen und reichen diese Nachweise [...] dem Jobcenter RE monatlich unaufgefordert bis spätestens zum 06. des Folgemonats [ ... ] ein”, hieß es in dem Eingliederungsverwaltungsakt. Die Bewerbungskostenübernahme behielt sich die Behörde jedoch als Ermessensentscheidung vor: „Bewerbungsbemühungen können pauschal mit einem Betrag bis zu drei Euro pro Bewerbung – maximal 150 Euro – für die Laufzeit der Eingliederungsvereinbarung erstattet werden.”

Das Sozialgericht Gelsenkirchen erklärte diese Verfügung für rechtswidrig. „Die Rechtswidrigkeit ergibt sich insoweit aus der Diskrepanz zwischen der Übernahme der Bewerbungskosten durch den Antragsgegner und der Pflicht zur Bewerbung durch den Antragsteller. Der Verwaltungsakt trägt dem Gegenseitigkeitsverhältnis nicht gebührend Rechnung. Der Antragsgegner hat sich durch die Formulierung, dass Bewerbungskosten übernommen werden können, eine Ermessensentscheidung bei der letztendlichen Übernahme der Bewerbungskosten vorbehalten. Dies korrespondiert nicht mit der unbedingten Pflicht des Antragstellers, mindestens sechs Bewerbungen pro Monat vorzunehmen und nachzuweisen“, heißt es im Gerichtsbeschluss. „Dabei erlangt besondere Bedeutung, dass es dem Antragsteller nicht zumutbar ist, besondere zusätzliche finanziellen Aufwendungen zur Umsetzung seiner Eingliederungsbemühungen aus der Regelleistung zur Sicherung des Lebensunterhaltes nach § 20 SGB 11 zu bestreiten.“ Die Bewerbungskostenübernahme durch das Jobcenter stelle eine Bewerbungsvoraussetzung für den Kläger dar. „Bei dem vorliegenden Verwaltungsakt wäre es allerdings möglich, dass der Antragsgegner die Übernahme von Bewerbungskosten verweigert, aber dennoch die mindestens sechs Bewerbungen pro Monat von dem Antragsteller einfordert“, erläutert das Gericht. (ag)

Quelle: GEGEN-HARTZ.DE

Detention of journalists in Iran a bellwether of internal politics

 

Reporters may have been caught between factions battling over Iran’s relations with the US

With all of the headline-making turmoil in the Middle East, it’s understandable that the detention of three journalists in Iran has received relatively little attention. Since July 22, when plainclothes security officers took Jason Rezaian, an Iranian-American correspondent for The Washington Post, and his Iranian wife, Yeganeh Salehi, a correspondent for The National, an Abu Dhabi–based newspaper, from their home in Tehran, reaction from Western media and press freedom watchers has been supportive of the couple but relatively subdued. (Another Iranian-American journalist, a photographer, was also detained but has not yet been identified by authorities.) The Post and other outlets have tried to keep up momentum of coverage, but compare that with the global outcry that ensued when Egyptian authorities convicted three Al Jazeera correspondents in June for supposedly fabricating news of mayhem in the streets of Cairo.

The Al Jazeera Three rightly became a cause célèbre, with journalists all over the world waging a social media campaign on their behalf. But the case of Rezaian and Salehi is also worthy of the world’s attention and our profession’s outrage. Both are serious and responsible professionals, well known among the community of Iran correspondents and specialists. Rezaian in particular, having grown up in California as the son of an American mother and Iranian father and witnessed the demonization of his paternal country after the Iranian revolution in 1979, made it his professional mission to show Americans a more nuanced picture of Iran. The couple’s arrest is a sign of not just how difficult it has become to report on this strategically vital country but also of how little room there may be for negotiating a détente between Iran and the West.

Under the surface

At lunch in Tehran in May, when I saw them on my most recent visit to Iran, Rezaian and Salehi were still basking in the glow of a relatively new marriage, excited that she recently received permanent legal U.S. residency and looking forward to someday moving back to California. Because for all their dedication to covering Iran, they were very concerned about both the future of the country and the risks they ran as journalists. “People forget where they are,” he told me, recounting an anecdote about a European diplomat who was supposedly expelled from the country after a less than discreet relationship with an Iranian woman. For all the optimism ushered in by the end of the confrontational presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and the election of the more moderate Hassan Rouhani last year, he said, “under the surface nothing’s really changed.”

Even in the best of times, Iran is a difficult beat for foreign journalists and those working for Western media, especially Americans. The Iranian government is slow to grant journalist visas, largely reserving them for major events that the government wishes to showcase, such as annual celebrations of the anniversary of the revolution in early February. Resident press passes have to be approved annually, and currently there isn’t a single nonhyphenated U.S. national living in Iran with a press card. Journalists who work for Western media, such as Rezaian, typically are citizens of Iran and a second country. As dual nationals, they are more easily prosecuted (or persecuted) under Iranian law.

With some reason, Iranian officials like to point out that Iran is far more open to American journalists than the U.S. is to Iranian journalists. The U.S. doesn’t allow Iranian journalists to visit and work in the U.S., except those who accompany Iran’s diplomatic mission to the United Nations in New York.

As long as Rezaian and Salehi remain in jail, it’s a signal that at least one very powerful part of the Iranian government wants to take away the welcome mat.

But it’s also true that in times of turmoil, factions within the Iranian government have applied pressure on foreign journalists not only to try to control international coverage of events in the country but also to use them as cards to be played in their games with foreign governments. This was most notably the case with the arrest of Maziar Bahari, a Canadian and Iranian citizen and a correspondent for Newsweek who was picked up after demonstrations contesting the re-election of Ahmadinejad in 2009. Bahari has attributed his release 118 days later to a goodwill gesture by the Ahmadinejad government toward the Obama administration after Washington signaled a willingness to change the tone of its relationship to Tehran — which had soured after President George W. Bush’s mention of Iran as part of an “axis of evil” in his 2002 State of the Union address.

The situation for Rezaian and Salehi, however, may be much more complicated. Rather than becoming pawns in Iran’s chess game with the U.S., the two appear to have gotten caught in the middle of political factions divided over how best to handle Iran’s relations with the U.S. Their arrest warrant appears to have been signed by the country’s judiciary, while the governmental entity normally responsible for monitoring journalists — which is under control of the presidency — has denied having a role in their arrest.

That distinction is significant. Although Rouhani was elected president in 2013 on a platform to normalize relations with the West and, in particular, win a reprieve from sanctions by compromising on the scale of Iran’s nuclear development program, formidable power centers in the country — the judiciary, clerics in charge of the main mosques and prayer venues and the Revolutionary Guard — have been waging a back-channel war to undermine those negotiations. Though Rouhani is close to the country’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who has ultimate say over relations with the West and the nuclear program, the hard-liners form a pillar of the regime’s support. Khamenei has appeared to allow the factions to battle among themselves rather than risk tarnishing his personal authority in the dispute.

A more visible calculus

But now this battle is breaking into the open. Since the spring, clerics and conservative newspaper editorials have denounced a supposed relaxing and decaying of the country’s moral fiber — particularly regarding compliance with Islamic dress codes for women. Since women in Iran are as wary as ever of the morality police (and of leaving home without headscarves), the culture war is widely seen as an attempt not so much to keep women from showing their hair as to embarrass the Rouhani administration.

The arrest of two international journalists seems calculated for the same effect. The Rouhani government has made a particular effort to woo European and particularly American tourists to Iran, and the Western media have been responding in kind with story after story casting Iran as a hot tourism destination, with its wealth of off-the-beaten-path heritage sites and history of thousands of years of civilization. As long as Rezaian and Salehi remain in jail, it’s a signal that at least one very powerful part of the Iranian government wants to take away the welcome mat. And the longer Rezaian and Salehi stay in jail, the more it would appear that the supreme leader has sided with those who arrested them.

Andrew Lee Butters is an American journalist who writes about the Middle East for TIME Magazine and other publications.

 

Iran’s Drinking Problem

 

Officially, nobody boozes in the Islamic Republic and nobody’s an alcoholic. Nothing could be farther from the truth.

Islam forbids the drinking of alcohol and the Islamic Republic of Iran has very tough laws against buying, selling and consuming it. Very tough. According to Article 265 of the new Islamic Penal Code adopted in 2013, drinking alcohol is punishable by 80 lashes, regardless of whether the offender is a man or a woman.  Yet the threat of such cruel penalties has not managed to reduce the popularity of drinking alcohol, particularly among young people, or its dramatic abuse by a stunning number of alcoholics.

Indeed, Iran has one of the most serious alcohol problems in the world. Although it ranks number 166 in alcohol consumption per capita, if you look at the World Health Organization estimates for people who drink 35 liters or more alcohol over the course of a year, the country comes in at 19th in the world. In other words, the number of alcoholics per capita puts Iran ahead of Russia (ranked 30), Germany (83), Britain (95), the United States (104) and Saudi Arabia (184).

The Islamic Republic is for the most part in denial. The government refuses to acknowledge or address the problem. (According to official statistics, nobody drinks alcohol in Iran.) Although alcoholism has been a problem in Iran for decades, the Ministry of Health only recently granted a permit to a clinic that deals with alcohol-related issues. It will only be open one day a week and will not employ qualified nurses or physicians.

Alcoholics Anonymous (AA) has operated in Tehran for a number of years. One former alcoholic, Alireza, regularly attends AA meetings. He has been “clean” for six years, he says, but like many alcoholics he’s taking things one day at a time. “Things that make other people happy—money, fame, a job and what have you—cannot satisfy an alcoholic,” he says.

According to Alireza, detoxification is a long process, lasting about three weeks. But even in the private sector there are still very few centers aimed at helping alcoholics give up drinking.

“If you are lucky and are friends with a caring doctor, he can come to your home and attend to you,” says Alireza. “Otherwise you have to go through the whole three weeks by yourself and without any help. There are many camps and clinics for drug detox, but there are none for quitting alcohol.”

Alireza says that he knows of at least three people who have died trying to kick their addiction.

“Drinking alcohol is punishable by 80 lashes, regardless of whether the offender is a man or a woman.”

A specialist at Tehran’s Bahman Hospital is only too well aware of the risks. “Unfortunately, everything in Iran has become ideological,” he tells IranWire. This includes medical protocols. When a person suffering from alcohol addiction stops drinking, “there is a high probability of seizures and heart failure, especially for those who have been alcoholics for a long time,” he says.  Side effects can include severe depression and hallucinations. All these symptoms can be treated and controlled with medical care, but that’s just not available to most of Iran’s alcoholics. “If there is any good judgment remaining in this country,” says the doctor, “then it should be used to set up thousands of clinics to cater to those who want to give up alcohol.”

Former alcoholic Alireza says the new Health Ministry center is not much of a practical step forward, but its mere existence breaks taboos. It’s possible, he says, that some authorities are emerging from their state of denial and acknowledging “the old policies do not work.”

Because alcohol is illegal, it’s also extremely expensive. It takes a lot of money to buy a bottle of smuggled-in whiskey, so many people resort to drinking home-distilled alcohol or ethanol. “Such a clandestine and pathological way of drinking increases the chances of becoming an alcoholic exponentially,” says Alireza.

Even with hints that attitudes are changing, it’s still hard to imagine that people seeking a cure would be allowed to check into clinics and hospitals in Iran without getting into some sort of legal trouble, risking social stigmatization at a minimum, and possibly 80 lashes.

So, the trend of uncontrolled, dangerous alcohol consumption is likely to continue. Those wishing—or needing—to give it up will be forced to do so on their own, without the support of formal medical care. And in many cases, they’ll be risking their lives in the process.

This article is adapted from one written by Marjan Namazi for IranWire. 

 

 

Deutschland| Kein Vorschuss mehr im JobCenter /Rechtsbruch durch Ministerin Nahles

In den nächsten Tagen läuft in den JobCentern der Bundesrepublik die neue Software “Allegro” an.

Damit sollen vor allem Verbesserungen im Ablauf erfolgen.

Doch gleichzeitig ändert sich die bisherige “Vorschuss-Praxis” in den JobCentern, denn mit Einführung der neuen Software, gibt es faktisch keine Möglichkeit mehr, eine Vorschuss-Zahlung an die Leistungsempfänger zu zahlen. In einigen JobCentern der Republik wird mit Hochdruck an einer Lösung dieses rechtswidrigen Zustands gearbeitet. denn im SGB I ist die Vorschuss-Zahlung klar und deutlich geregelt.

​​

Sozialgesetzbuch (SGB I)

Erstes Buch
Allgemeiner Teil

Stand: Zuletzt geändert durch Art. 10 G v. 19.10.2013 I 3836

 

§ 42 SGB I Vorschüsse

(1) Besteht ein Anspruch auf Geldleistungen dem Grunde nach und ist zur Feststellung seiner Höhe voraussichtlich längere Zeit erforderlich, kann der zuständige Leistungsträger Vorschüsse zahlen, deren Höhe er nach pflichtgemäßem Ermessen bestimmt. Er hat Vorschüsse nach Satz 1 zu zahlen, wenn der Berechtigte es beantragt; die Vorschußzahlung beginnt spätestens nach Ablauf eines Kalendermonats nach Eingang des Antrags.
(2) Die Vorschüsse sind auf die zustehende Leistung anzurechnen. Soweit sie diese übersteigen, sind sie vom Empfänger zu erstatten. § 50 Abs. 4 des Zehnten Buches gilt entsprechend.
(3) Für die Stundung, Niederschlagung und den Erlaß des Erstattungsanspruchs gilt § 76 Abs. 2 des Vierten Buches entsprechend.
 
Somit dürfte wieder viel Arbeit auf die ohnehin schon stark belasteten Sozialgerichte kommen.
Rechtsbruch im Namen der zuständigen Ministerin Nahles.

Ayatollah Khamenei, Assad spoke of reforms

An Iranian police helicopter passes above portraits of Iran’s supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei (R) and late Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini on the outskirts of Tehran, June 4, 2014. (photo by John Moore/Getty Images)

Ayatollah Khamenei, Assad spoke of reforms

Hossein Sheikholeslam, Iran’s former ambassador to Syria and the current foreign policy adviser to the speaker of parliament, spoke toRamze Obour magazine about Iran’s relationship with Syria and the mistakes of the Syrian government, revealing some previously unknown information.

 

Though Sheikholeslam’s comments were recently picked up by Shargh Newspaper, the original interview took place in April before the Syrian elections. Some of his points in the interview are noteworthy in that they concede mistakes by the Syrian government. The interviewer was unafraid to challenge the official on a topic rarely covered from a nuanced angle in Iran, and the discussion also addressed a letter from Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei to President Bashar al-Assad.

Sheikholeslam said that the best way out of Syria’s civil war, which has left over 170,000 dead and much of country destroyed, is through elections, as experiences in Iraq and Afghanistan show that people would not support extremists in elections. When asked, “Isn’t it too late for that now in Syria?” he said, “Yes, everything is too late. We should have done it earlier.”

He said, “From day one, the supreme leader took a position that Syria needs to undergo reforms.” He said that Qasem Soleimani, the head of Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps’ Quds Force, took a message to Assad written by Ayatollah Khamenei in the first days of the protests. The message said, “The killings should not take place and reforms have to be accepted.”

Sheikholeslam said, “Assad accepted [that] reforms [were needed], but he didn’t have the proper mechanisms. Assad didn’t even have police. Whatever they had, it was the army. If it had a problem with anyone, they would shoot at the crowd with automatic weapons.”

He said many of Iran’s Revolutionary Guard commanders have been in the region and “know what Bashar’s problem is. As soon as four people would gather, instead of using police, the army would use automatic weapons. … They wanted to solve it with force.”

He added that Iran had helped in this matter and also helped form groups to negotiate with the opposition. It has been well documented by now that Iran has sent fighters into Syria to support and advise Syrian troops.

When asked, “From this democracy that you suggest and that Soleimani recommended for Syria, would Bashar Assad’s name come out of the ballot box again?” Sheikholeslam said that Iran hadn’t interfered in the domestic affairs of Syria, an assertion the interviewer rejected. Sheikholeslam blamed Turkey, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and Israel for trying to make Syria’s government collapse.

The interview began by discussing modern history, most of it well known, including former President Hafez Assad’s support for Iran during the Iran-Iraq war, assistance Sheikholeslam believes prevented it from being an “Arab-Iranian” war. Syria was the only country to support Iran, while most Arab countries supported Iraqi President Saddam Hussein.

Sheikholeslam also said that with Assad’s support, Iran could not have helped form Hezbollah in Lebanon. When asked whether Iran’s support for the Syrian government is because of Syria’s support for Hezbollah, Sheikholeslam said, “No, the entire Islamic resistance, not just Hezbollah.”

This prompted a question about Hamas, which sided with Syrian rebels against Assad’s regime. “They sacrificed their relationship with Iran and Syria for a domestic Muslim Brotherhood issue,” Sheikholeslam said, calling Hamas’ move a “vital mistake.” However, he said that Iran and Hamas “strategically have no choice but unity.” When asked if Hamas’ relationship with Qatar could change this relationship, Sheikholeslam said, “Qatar will not give Hamas even one bullet.”
Source: AI-Monitor.com

Zeit| Der Iran wird wieder Reiseland

Seit dem Ende der Ära Ahmadinedschad reisen wieder mehr Touristen in den Iran. Vor allem Studienreisen werden häufig gebucht. Das wirft auch unbequeme Fragen auf. VON 

Studienreisen: Nachfrage nach Iran-Reisen "enorm gestiegen"

Touristen in Persepolis  |  © John Moore/Getty Images

Karge Wüsten und Skiresorts, gletscherbedeckte Vulkane und fruchtbare Täler. Millionenmetropolen wie Teheran und unbewohnte Inseln wie Hengam, die lustvolle Poesie des persischen Dichters Hafis und ein konservativ-islamisches Regime, das den kleinsten Internetflirt kritisch beäugt. Offizielles Verbot sozialer Netzwerke und ein Präsident mit mehr als 230.000 Fans auf Twitter, in westlichen Köpfen verankerte Bilder vorbeihuschender Frauen im dunklen Tschador und ein gigantischer Markt für Mode, Schönheits-Operationen und Kosmetik: Der Iran ist ein Land, das kontrastreich wirkt und stets ein “Ja, aber” provoziert. Seit jeher fasziniert das Land daher auch europäische Reisende. Das 1904 erschienene Buch Nach Isfahan des französischen Schriftstellers Pierre Loti etwa ist ein Klassiker der Orient-Reiseliteratur.

In diesem Jahr zieht es Touristen wieder verstärkt in den Iran. Das behauptet nicht nur die iranische Nachrichtenagentur Fars, das sagen auch Anbieter von Studienreisen. Von einem regelrechten Boom spricht Manfred Schreiber, Gebietsleiter für den Nahen Osten bei Studiosus: Seit dem Amtsantritt des alsvergleichsweise liberal geltenden Präsidenten Hassan Ruhani 2013 sei “die Nachfrage enorm gestiegen”. 2013 nahmen 500 Reisende an Studienreisen des Anbieters in den Iran teil, die Zahl der Buchungen habe sich im Vergleich dazu mehr als verdoppelt. Schon früher sei der Iran ein gut gebuchtes Reiseziel gewesen, sagt er. Während der Amtszeit des Präsidenten Ahmadinedschads sei die Nachfrage allerdings stark gesunken – schon direkt nach seiner Wahl 2005. “Als dann 2009 die Proteste gegen die Wahlmanipulation gewaltsam niedergeschlagen wurden, gingen die Buchungen noch stärker zurück.”

Auch beim Anbieter Gebeco, der das Land seit mehr als zehn Jahren im Programm hat, steigt die Nachfrage nach Studienreisen in den Iran: “Sie ist sogar so stark, dass wir in diesem Jahr Zusatztermine aufgelegt haben”, sagt Geschäftsführer Ury Steinweg.
Die Gründe dafür sieht er in der Vielzahl der kultur- und kunsthistorisch sehenswerten Orte. Tatsächlich ist die Liste der studientouristischen Ziele lang, 17 der Unesco-Weltkulturerbestätten befinden sich im Iran, etwa die Paradiesgärten von Schiras und die Ruinen von Persepolis.

Manfred Schreiber von Studiosus sagt, das große Interesse an Iran-Reisen hänge auch mit der medialen Präsenz zusammen: “Es vergeht kaum ein Tag, an dem nicht etwas über den Iran in den Medien erscheint. Unsere Gäste sind deshalb auch sehr an der Gegenwart und dem Alltag der Menschen vor Ort interessiert.” Bei Studiosus gehören persönliche Begegnungen vor Ort zu jeder Reise – Begegnungen mit den Mitgliedern der deutschen evangelischen Gemeinde in Teheran, mit iranischen Künstlern und mit Ayatollahs.

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