Flora ist 29 Jahre alt und Zahnärztin. Sie ist im Iran aufgewachsen. Schönheitsoperationen sind dort längst kein Tabuthema mehr. Im Gegenteil. Gerade Nasenoperationen sind dort völlig normal.

Flora selber hat sich nicht operieren lassen, obwohl sie mit ihrer Nase auch nicht so richtig glücklich ist. 80 Prozent ihrer Freundinnen haben allerdings bereits eine Schönheits-OP hinter sich, schätzt Flora. Die meisten davon haben die Nase machen lassen.

“Die meisten Leute wollen aussehen wie amerikanische Superstars.”

Flora, 29, über Schönheitsoperationen im Iran

Rhinoplastik ist im Iran inzwischen eine Routine-OP. Viele Mädchen lassen sich die Nase machen, wenn sie 18 werden – also bevor sie an die Uni gehen. Es gibt zwar keinen direkten Gruppenzwang, aber es kommt aber schon mal vor, dass jemand sagt: Deine Nase würde nach einer OP besser aussehen.

Doch längst nicht alle Schönheitsoperationen werden so offen zur Schau gestellt. Klar, die Nasen-OP lässt sich kaum verheimlichen. Aber wer sich Brust- oder Po-Implantate hat einsetzen lassen, der behält das dann doch lieber für sich.

Quelle: DR Wissen

Teheran will weniger Medizinstudentinnen

Iran will weniger Frauen für das Medizinstudium zulassen, weil es einen Mangel an männlichen Ärzten gibt. Da in der Zwischenzeit fast 70 Prozent der Medizinstudenten Frauen sind, will das Gesundheitsministerium die Quoten der Frauen senken, sagte Vizeminister Amir Hussein Siaei am Dienstag der Tageszeitung „Schargh“.

Das Land brauche Ärzte in Dörfern, wo keine Frauen arbeiten würden, so Siaei. Das System müsste daher geändert werden. Immer mehr Frauen – und immer weniger Männer – schaffen es im Iran an die Universitäten.

Frauen stellen inzwischen über 60 Prozent der Studenten im Land. Trotz Kritik will die Regierung dies ändern, da die graduierten Frauen in vielen Bereichen nicht eingesetzt werden können. Im Vorjahr wurde beschlossen, dass Frauen an mindestens 36 Universitäten und in über 75 Fächern auf Diplom- und Magister-Level, insbesondere Ingenieurfächern, nicht mehr studieren dürfen.

New Hope amid Persistent Challenges for Women in Iran: Interview with Parisa Kakaee

An Iranian protester at the End Male Violence Against Women rally in London, March 2010. (Gary Knight/flickr)

“The main problem for all the social and political groups inside [Iran] is the atmosphere of insecurity,” according to Parisa Kakaee, a women and children’s rights activist from Iran. “When these groups don’t have freedom of speech or activity, how can they recognize and address society’s needs?”

Ms. Kakaee is all too familiar with this dilemma. After being arrested for her human rights activities in 2009 and spending a month in prison, she fled her native land. She was then sentenced in absentia to six years in prison and has been living in exile in Germany ever since.

In a phone interview, Ms. Kakaee suggested that security, women’s rights, and socioeconomic development are all intertwined in Iran: “When women’s employment is subject to the permission of her husband … when parliament encourages society to have more children and limits women’s access to contraception, when domestic violence is considered as a private family matter, how do we expect to eradicate poverty, to promote gender equality, and to empower women to reduce high mortality rates or to combat HIV/AIDS?,” she asked.

“We can’t talk about gender equality and empowering women while there is a law that supports child marriage. How is it possible to improve maternal health when a child becomes a mother?”

After eight years under the conservative government of President Ahmadinejad, last year’s election of President Rouhani breathed new hope into the women’s movement in Iran, according to Ms. Kakaee. The appointment of legal scholar Mrs. Shahindokht Molaverdi in the cabinet, for example, shows that there have been some positive steps in terms of women’s participation in policymaking.

Nonetheless, significant challenges remain. Iran continues to have “a male-dominated and conservative parliament” that could still reverse the limited progress that has been made, Ms. Kakaee said, and “systematic changes in the regime’s policy on women’s rights and girls’ rights are necessary.”

Inside Iran, “women’s rights activists are fighting for their freedom of speech, fighting against discrimination laws, and try[ing] to support development for women and girls,” she said. But the international community still has a role to play.  If relations between Iran and the rest of the world can be improved, then “civil society can focus on social and economic problems and human rights rather than concerns arising from the risk of war or the impact of sanctions,” she said. “It’s important that the international community prioritizes concerns about the violation of human rights in Iran over other political and economic issues.”

The interview was conducted by Marie O’Reilly, associate editor at the International Peace Institute.


When you spoke to the Global Observatory last year, you described how the situation of women in Iran had evolved during the conservative era of the government of President Ahmadinejad. Since the June 2013 election of President Rouhani, how has the situation changed for women in Iran?

Well, talking about the people’s situation in a country is not easy when you don’t live there. However, as an observer and follower of the news and reports, I can say that since the election of President Rouhani, Iranians have developed fresh hope for some changes in the situation of women and human rights. Based on the president’s promises, this hope didn’t seem unrealistic. However, I felt, at the time, that it was too early to judge. It was a hope that could fade or continue to exist.

I would like to categorize the positive changes into two groups. First, within the Iranian women’s movement I think the above-mentioned hope reactivated the women’s movement and made them able to come together, organize some groups, hold some meetings on women’s rights, develop their main demands from the new government, and continue their unprohibited activities.

Second, there have been some changes in policymaking and women’s participation. For example, there is some noticeable improvement in licensing surrounding the establishment of NGOs. That may lead to more activity in various areas related to women, such as violence, impoverishment, sexual health, et cetera.

In addition, some of the women’s rights activists believe that appointing Mrs. Shahindokht Molaverdi as vice-president for women and family affairs is a positive step, which could—could—affect decisions and policy relating to women’s rights. If she has sufficient authority, she may retrieve what we had lost over the past eight years. However, I think, we should not forget that she works in a male-dominated government and society.

And aside from the limited positive progress, Iran has a male-dominated and conservative parliament, which can pass policies against human rights. For example, parliament is initiating a new plan called the Comprehensive Population and Family Excellence Plan that imposes some restrictions on women’s employment and educational, health, and civil rights. Women’s rights activists have issued a statement objecting to the plan, but it’s expected that the new government will use all its power to stop this plan too.

As I mentioned last year, Iranian women are still suffering from domestic violence and a lack of supportive laws. There are still unemployed women, unequal wages, prostitution, discriminatory laws against women, restrictions on personal freedom, and education and economic problems. In addition, some groups in the women’s movement still cannot hold official meetings about, for example, 8th of March [International Women’s Day].

I personally don’t expect the new government to solve all the problems overnight, but I think there should be some sign of momentum in supporting women’s rights—a momentum that I don’t currently see.

Here in New York, we recently concluded the 58th session of the Commission on the Status of Women, and its theme this year was the challenges and achievements of the Millennium Development Goals for women and girls. What do you see as the challenges and achievements of the MDGs for women and girls in Iran?

I think the main problem for all the social and political groups inside the country is the atmosphere of insecurity. When these groups don’t have freedom of speech or activity, how can they recognize and address society’s needs?

Women’s rights activists are doing their best to take advantage of existing resources and make changes in women’s lives. But when women’s employment is subject to the permission of her husband, they can’t act independently. When parliament encourages society to have more children and limits women’s access to contraception, when domestic violence is considered as a private family matter, how do we expect to eradicate poverty, to promote gender equality, and to empower women to reduce high mortality rates or to combat HIV/AIDS?

In my opinion, to achieve the Millennium Development Goals for women and girls, partnership between government and civil society is important. I’m not saying that government has not done anything about—for instance, in terms of HIV/AIDS or maternal health or primary education, et cetera. Rather, I think it’s not sufficient.

Government and parliament need a more gender-sensitive approach to policymaking and planning for women and girls. We can’t talk about gender equality and empowering women while there is a law that supports child marriage. How is it possible to improve maternal health when a child becomes a mother?

Therefore, I believe systematic changes in the regime’s policy on women’s rights and girls’ rights are necessary. Women’s rights activists are fighting for their freedom of speech, fighting against discrimination laws, and they try to support development for women and girls at the same time. I think this is a tough challenge, and it’s not an easy job.

Late last year the international community and Iran reached an agreement to ease some sanctions in line with the scaling back of Iran’s nuclear activities. Has this easing of sanctions had an impact on the situation of women?

First of all, as far as I know the number of eased sanctions is low. Secondly, the massive damage caused by sanctions is not something that can be fixed in a short time. As I mentioned last year, the Iranian people and civil society are under pressure from international sanctions and structural economic and political mismanagement. People are happy that the risk of entering into war is being eliminated, and they have more hope for the future. However, most of the sanctions remain, and the economic situation has not significantly changed.

Unemployment, unequal access to education, and poverty are part of the problems that affect vulnerable people, such as women, children, and marginalized groups. Therefore, I think Iranian people—and especially women—are still under pressure as a result of the sanctions.

Parisa, what would you suggest the international community could do to support women’s and children’s rights in Iran?

In general, improving relations between Iran and the world should be considered by the both sides—the Iranian regime and the international community—as a first step to reduce the economic pressure on people. In this way, civil society can focus on social and economic problems and human rights rather than concerns arising from the risk of war or the impact of sanctions. Second, it’s important that the international community prioritizes concerns about the violation of human rights in Iran over other political and economic issues. It’s important to support the activists in danger inside the country and question the regime about human rights violations.

Also, I think having more women’s and children’s rights experts in the country would improve work in this area, so providing college education opportunities for Iranian activists to continue their education abroad could also help. We have to gain specialized knowledge and exchange experiences.

Source: IPI Global Observatory

Lies den Rest dieses Beitrags

Iranians avoid bad luck with outdoor festival

— Iranians flocked to parks rich with the smell of grilled kebabs on Wednesday to toss around Frisbees, bat badminton birdies and battle one another in chess and backgammon — all to avoid being caught inside on the unlucky 13th day of the Persian New Year.

The annual public picnic day, called Sizdeh Bedar, which comes from the Farsi words for “thirteen” and “day out,” is a legacy from Iran’s pre-Islamic past that hard-liners in the Islamic Republic never managed to erase from calendars.

Many say it’s bad luck to stay indoors for the holiday.

“I know a family who stayed in and later in the day the leg of their young boy was broken when he fell down the stairs.” said Tehran resident Fatemeh Moshiri, 48.

Iranian hard-liners have tried unsuccessfully for decades to stamp out the festival and other pre-Islamic events, which are seen as closer to Zoroastrianism, the predominant faith of Iranians before Islam.

They have had little success.

“When we go out on Sizdeh Bedar, we take ill-omens out with us,” Tehran resident Marzieh Rahimim, 64, said. “Otherwise a quarrel may happen or an invaluable dish may be broken.”

Last week, Ayatollah Ahmad Khatami, a Friday prayer leader, reiterated a common clerics’ admonition that it is “superstitious” to believe that the 13th day of the new year is unlucky or to think that the popular practice of tying blades of grass together on the day will bring good fortune.

Enjoying nature is commendable, Khatami acknowledged, but he said people should nonetheless keep Islamic values in mind because the festival comes a day before Muslims remember the anniversary of the death of the daughter of Prophet Muhammad.

Islam has been dominant for centuries in Iran, but the country’s Zoroastrian past has left its mark through festivals and traditions still celebrated to this day. The number of practicing Zoroastrians is a tiny minority in today’s Iran, however — around 60,000 people out of a population of more than 76 million.

State media and calendar makers choose to call the festival “Nature Day” instead of Sizdeh Bedar, given the bad-luck associations with the number 13.

Families across the country spread rugs and set up small tents in outdoor areas to mark the holiday, sometimes just a few inches from their neighbors. They have lunch, sip cups of tea and munch on pistachios, fruit and candy.

Iranians also throw trays of sprouted seeds that have been sitting on their new year tables into running water to mark the occasion.


News from Iran – Week 13 – 2014

by lissnup

Prisoners’ News


  • Abolfazl Abedini-Nasr back to Ahvaz prison at the end of furlough.


  • Mohammad-Amin Agooshi released on furlough.

  • Mahmoud Bagheri released on furlough.

  • Nader Jani released on furlough.

  • Hamid-Reza Karvasi released on furlough.

  • Leva Khanjani released on furlough.

  • Nasour Naghipour released on furlough.

  • Journalist Ahmad Zeidabadi released on furlough.

D-Other News

  • 40 Bandar Abbas prisoners moved to hospital because of dysentery.

News of injustice in Iran

  • Samrand Farahmandi, Kurdish activist, sentenced to 10 years in prison.

University – Culture

  • Historian and author Mohammad Ebrahim Bastani Parizi passes away in Tehran.


  • Teachers clash with Iranian regime employees in Dehloran.

  • Protest in front of Pakistan consulates in Tehran and Mashhad to protest against border guard murder; authorized in Mashhad, repressed in Tehran..

Iran abroad

  • Rouhani and Zarif in Kabul for Nowrooz festivities.

Iran Economics

  • Iran announces acquisition of 6 passenger planes.

Iran Politics

  • Iran resumes monetary aid to Hamas.


  • Jaish al-Adl claims that they have killed Sergeant Jamshid Danaeefar one of the Iranian border guards they kidnapped in February.

  • Death of a tourist in Kerman province because of a land mine.

  • 8 killed, 33 injured as bus transporting passengers to Iran-Iraq war zone overturns.

As usual, list of political prisoners in Iran:

Please help us to keep it updated

Reuters| Iranische Jugend trinkt sich frei

Ankara (Reuters) – Aus den Boxen dröhnt Rap-Musik, zuckendes Stroboskop-Licht verleiht dem Raum Disko-Atmosphäre.

“Trink erst mal einen Tequila!” ruft der Gastgeber zur Begrüßung. Was in vielen Gesellschaften der Beginn eines normalen Samstagabends ist, ist hier – im Iran – eine Besonderheit.

Alkohol ist im schiitisch-dominierten muslimischen Land offiziell verboten. Hinter verschlossenen Türen wird aber vor allem in den reicheren Kreisen häufig getrunken. Schahrijar lade seine Freunde jedes Wochenende in die Luxuswohnung seines Vaters in Teheran ein, sagt seine Freundin Schima. “Wir trinken bis zum Morgen”, erzählt sie Reuters per Videotelefon. Öffentliche Nachtclubs gibt es im Iran nicht. Für die Jugendlichen sind häusliche Alkoholparties wie diese ein Weg, sich aus der Unterdrückung durch die strengen Richtlinien des Landes zu befreien. Beim Trinken vergesse man seine Probleme, sagt Schahrijar. “Andernfalls würden wir verrückt werden vor lauter Beschränkungen für junge Menschen im Iran.”


Die Herstellung von Wein hat im Iran eine lange Tradition. Wissenschaftler gehen davon aus, dass bereits 5000 vor Christus auf dem heutigen iranischen Staatsgebiet Wein getrunken wurde. Der berühmte Shiraz-Wein aus dem südlichen Teil des Irans etwa soll durch die Kreuzritter seinen Weg nach Europa gefunden haben.

Wegen des Verbots versorgen sich heute viele Iraner selbst mit Alkohol. Hessam, ein 28-jähriger Musiklehrer aus Teheran, erzählt, dass er mit seinen Freunden regelmäßig in der Badewanne Weintrauben stampfe: “Es macht Spaß. Fast wie ein Reinigungsritual.” Der 35-jährige Sporttrainer Amin produziert professionell. In seinem 50 Quadratmeter großen Garten baut er Wein an, im Keller brennt er Spiritus. Wer selbst keinen Alkohol herstellt, ruft einfach einen Produzenten aus dem Bekanntenkreis an. Man müsse nicht mal das Haus verlassen, erklärt der Computeringenieur Resa. “Nasser, der Brauer, liefert es nach Hause, VIP Service.”

Neben der Eigenherstellung gelangt Alkohol auch durch Schmuggel ins Land. Es heißt, die Grenzwachen, die aus der Islamischen Revolution 1979 hervorgegangen sind, besäßen das Monopol in diesem Geschäft und würden jährlich rund 12 Milliarden Dollar (etwa 8,7 Milliarden Euro) damit verdienen.


Vollständiger Artikel

Über alle Hindernisse: Die Parkour-Frauen von Teheran

Der akrobatische Großstadthindernislauf Parkour findet weltweit immer mehr Anhänger, auch in der iranischen Hauptstadt Teheran. Dort ist Parkour bei vielen jungen Frauen populär – allen gesellschaftlichen Hürden in der islamischen Republik zum Trotz.

Bericht zur politischen Lage (politische Geschichte; Struktur des Regimes, Stabilität und Opposition; Menschenrechtspraxis; Massenvernichtungsprogramme; terroristische Gruppen; Regimewechsel) [ID 271516]

Congressional Research Service  Quellenbeschreibung anzeigen


Bericht zur politischen Lage (politische Geschichte; Struktur des Regimes, Stabilität und Opposition; Menschenrechtspraxis; Massenvernichtungsprogramme; terroristische Gruppen; Regimewechsel) [ID 271516]

Dokument öffnen Spezieller Bericht oder Analyse: Iran: U.S. Concerns and Policy Responses

Shame you Mrs Catherine Ashton!

Shame on this ignorant woman, wearing a hijab in Iran AND negotiating with a regime which is torturing and killing innocent men and women every day! Catherine Ashton should hang her head in shame – AND she did this on International Women’s Day! Unbelievable.

In Gedenken an alle Hingerichteten im Iran – ermordet durch ein barbarisches Regime

Some Die Young

I will tell you a story if you die
I will tell you a story and keep you alive
And the best you can
I will tell them to the children
If we have some
If we have someAnd I have always felt the feeling we would die young
Some die young
Some die young
Some die youngYou better hold on
Some many things I need to say to you
Please don’t, don’t let me go
And we said we would die together
some die youngYou better hold on
Some many things I need to say to you
Please dont, don’t let me go
And wee said we would die together
Some die youngI will tell you a story if you try
But along with your thoughts of valleis they are green
When the world you were born in changes of seasons
Will you run with the dream or will you run alone
or will you run against and finally reveal
Why some die young
Why some die young
Why some die, some die young

Some die young
But you better hold on
So many things I need to say to you
Please don’t, don’t let me go
And we said we would die together

Some die young
But you better hold on
So many things I need to say to you
Please don’t, don’t let me go
And we said we would die together

Some die young
but you better hold on
but you better hold on
So many things i need to say to you
Please don’t, don’t let me go
and we said we would die together
Some die young
(Some die young)

Song: Laleh (Laleh Pourkarim) – in Schweden lebende junge Musikerin

Geboren um zu leben

Es fällt mir schwer
ohne Dich zu leben
Jeden Tag zu jeder Zeit
einfach alles zu geben
Ich denk’ so oft
zurück an das was war
an jenem so geliebten vergangenen Tag
Ich stell’ mir vor
dass du zu mir stehst,
und jeden meiner Wege
an meiner Seite gehst
Ich denke an so vieles
seitdem du nicht mehr bist
denn du hast mir gezeigt
wie wertvoll das Leben ist

Wir waren geboren um zu leben
mit den Wundern jener Zeit
Sich niemals zu vergessen
bis in alle Ewigkeit
Wir waren geboren um zu leben
für den einen Augenblick
Bei dem jeder von uns spürte
wie wertvoll Leben ist

Es tut noch weh
wieder neuem Platz zu schaffen
Mit gutem Gefühl
etwas Neues zuzulassen
In diesem Augenblick
bist du mir wieder nah
wie an jedem so geliebten vergangenen Tag
Es ist mein Wunsch
wieder Träume zu erlauben
ohne Reue nach vorn
in eine Zukunft zu schauen
Ich sehe einen Sinn
seitdem du nicht mehr bist
Denn du hast hat mir gezeigt
wie wertvoll mein Leben ist

Wir waren geboren um zu leben
mit den Wundern jener Zeit
Sich niemals zu vergessen
bis in alle Ewigkeit
Wir waren geboren um zu leben
für den einen Augenblick
Bei dem jeder von uns spürte
wie wertvoll Leben ist

Wir waren geboren um zu leben…

Song:  Unheilig (Deutschland)

HRW| Iran: Free Women Activists

Imprisonment of 3 Highlights Plight of Female Rights Defenders

Iran’s government should immediately and unconditionally free three female rights defenders unlawfully detained for their support of women, students, and political dissidents, Human Rights Watch said today, International Women’s Day. On March 2, 2014, one of the three was sentenced to seven years in prison. The others were already serving prison terms.

The three activists are among at least 14 women in the women’s political prisoners ward at Tehran’s Evin Prison. The Iranian government should also address gender discrimination codified in the country’s legal system, Human Rights Watch said.

“International Women’s Day is an occasion to shed light on the courageous women behind bars in Iran solely because they spoke out for people’s rights or called for an overhaul of the country’s discriminatory laws,” said Sarah Leah Whitson, Middle East and North Africa director. “The detention of these women activists is a stark reminder that Iran’s government deprives its people of their most basic and fundamental rights.”

On March 2, a revolutionary court found Maryam Shafipour, a student rights activist, guilty of violating the country’s national security and sentenced her to seven years in prison.

Bahareh Hedayat, a women’s and students’ rights defender, was sentenced in May 2010 to 10 years in prison in relation to her peaceful activities. Since her arrest in 2009, her husband told Human Rights Watch that authorities have not allowed her to get adequate medical treatment outside of prison for serious gynecological problems. The lack of gynecological services in prison and the denial of such treatment outside jail could amount to gender-based discrimination, Human Rights Watch said.

The third activist, Hakimeh Shokri, is serving a three-year sentence for peaceful activities in support of political prisoners and protesters killed during the 2009 postelection violence.

Shafipour, 27, was summoned to the Evin Prison prosecutor’s office on July 27, 2013, and then arrested. She had spent several years advocating for the rights of university students barred from higher education because of their activism and for the release of political prisoners, including the 2009 presidential candidate, Mehdi Karroubi, who is under house arrest.

A source close to the family told Human Rights Watch that Shafipour spent seven months in pretrial detention, including over two months in solitary confinement, during which she had no access to her lawyer. Another source told Human Rights Watch that during her pretrial detention, interrogation officials subjected her to psychological and physical abuse, including kicking her.

The source close to the family told Human Rights Watch that branch 28 of Tehran’s revolutionary court convicted Shafipour of “propaganda against the state,” “assembly and collusion against the national security,” and “membership in an illegal group” that the source said was defending the rights of university students barred from education. The source said evidence, presented by the prosecutor’s office as proof of these “crimes,” included information posted on her Facebook page about the situation of political prisoners, and her peaceful activities and statements she signed in support of students barred from higher education. The sentence against Shafipour includes a two-year ban on the use of Facebook and other social media sites upon release.

In 2010, Emam Khomeini International University officials in the northwestern city of Ghazvin barred Shafipour from continuing her university studies because of her rights activities. The activities included visiting family members of political prisoners and her affiliation with Karroubi’s presidential campaign. Shafipour has 20 days to appeal her conviction and sentence.

Shafipour and Shokri are both members of the Mothers of Laleh Park, a group established in June 2009 by mothers whose children lost their lives in the violent government-sanctioned response to protests following Iran’s disputed June 12 election. The group has also shown solidarity with political prisoners and their families. Authorities have repeatedly targeted the group, previously named “Mourning Mothers,” arrested its members, and prevented them from gathering at Laleh Park in Tehran and other public places.

A Tehran revolutionary court convicted Shokri on charges of “propaganda against the state” and “acting against the national security” in April 2012 because of her activities with the group, according to rights activists. Security forces arrested her and several other members of the group on December 5, 2010, as they gathered at a Tehran cemetery to commemorate the death of a protester killed by security forces during the 2009 postelection violence.

Hedayat, 32, is the first secretary of the Women’s Commission of the Office to Foster Unity (Tahkim-e Vahdat), one of the country’s largest student groups, which has been banned since 2009, and the first – and only – woman elected to its central committee. Authorities arrested her on December 30, 2009, and eventually charged her with various national security crimes, including “propaganda against the system,” “disturbing public order,” “participating in illegal gatherings,” “insulting the Supreme Leader,” and “insulting the president.” An appeals court upheld the sentence in July 2010.

Amin Ahmadian, Hedayat’s husband, told Human Rights Watch that Hedayat is serving an eight year sentence because of public speeches and joint statements she made as a central committee member of Takhim-e Vahdat criticizing the government clampdown on political dissidents and students in the wake of the 2009 presidential election. He said Hedayat is serving an additional two years based on a previous suspended sentence in connection with public demonstrations she attended in 2006 with theOne Million Signatures Campaign, a grass-roots campaign aimed at overturning laws that discriminate against women.

Ahmadian said that although Hedayat is suffering from a chronic reproductive system complication that requires immediate medical attention, judiciary and prison authorities have refused her an adequate medical leave.

Iran’s judiciary should release Hedayat and other political prisoners based on recent amendments to Iran’s penal code, Human Rights Watch said. Under article 134, a person convicted of multiple charges may only receive the maximum penalty for their most serious charge, instead of a compounded sentence based on each individual charge. Article 134 also allows the judiciary to free Hedayat after she has served half her sentence.

Since 2005, and especially since the 2009 presidential election, Iran has stepped up arrests and otherrepressive measures against activists, including those who advocate student’s rights and speak out against discriminatory laws based on gender. Iranian women face discrimination in personal status matters related to marriage, divorce, inheritance, and child custody. A woman needs her male guardian’s approval for marriage regardless of her age, and cannot pass on her nationality to her foreign-born spouse or their children.

On August 1, 2013, Human Rights Watch wrote to then-President Hassan Rouhani asking him to take concrete steps in several key reform areas, ranging from freeing political prisoners to expanding academic freedom in universities and respecting women’s rights. Human Rights Watch urged Rouhani to remove disciplinary boards that unlawfully monitor students’ activities and suspend or expel them solely because they have exercised their fundamental rights, and to allow organizations like Tahkim-e Vahdat to resume operating.

Human Rights Watch also urged Rouhani to work toward gender equality in the country, noting that while “the president has limited ability to directly change the discriminatory personal status laws related to marriage, inheritance, and child custody … [he] should nonetheless support efforts to amend or abolish such laws” and support groups like the One Million Signatures Campaign.

On November 26, President Rouhani’s official website presented a draft Citizens’ Rights Charter for public comment. In a joint letter Human Rights Watch and the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran noted that many of the draft charter’s provisions, including those addressing women’s rights, fail to protect rights adequately or violate Iran’s legal obligations under international law. Among the problems are limitations on rights based on seemingly subjective criteria such as “national security” and “principles of Islam.”

“Iran’s judiciary bears primary responsibility for freeing rights defenders like Shafipour, Hedayat, and Shokri from prison, and ensuring that the country abides by its international rights obligations,” Whitson said. “But Rouhani’s government can also play a critical role by advocating the release of these rights defenders and pressing security and intelligence forces to stop harassing and targeting activists.”

Source: Human Rights Watch

Groundbreaking report demonstrates hijab laws amount to widespread and systematic violation of women’s rights in Iran

Comoplsery Hejab-EN

March 6, 2014 | To mark International Women’s Day Justice for Iran (JFI) has published a major report on history and politics of enforced hijab under the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Thirty-five Years of Forced Hijab: The Widespread and Systematic Violation of Women’s Rights in Iran points out over the past ten years more than 30,000 women have faced arrest throughout Iran due to hijab laws. Iran is the first country where the state forces all girls and women to observe uniform hijab laws. Without a clear definition of hijab, Islamic Republic laws consider women who lack “Islamic veil” in “public” as criminal and punishable by imprisonment and fines. The call for enforced hijab was first raised 35 years ago by Ayatollah Khomeini, the founder of the Islamic Republic, just 24 days after the revolution was declared victorious, on 7 March 1979. However, given the resistance of a considerable percentage of Iranian women, it took three years of tension and violence to enforce this law.

Although Islamic Sharia laws deem hijab compulsory at age 9, Islamic Republic requires all girls to begin observing hijab laws at the outset of primary education at age 7. It also imposes hijab laws on women of all faiths regardless of their sacred teachings on the issue of hijab. Furthermore, it is used as a tool for segregation and imposition of a wide range of limitations on women including violations of fundamental rights, including the right to education, work and movement.

The report documents over past 35 years many women have been deprived of education, employment, driving, travelling by air, access to public medical services as well as cultural and recreational facilities because of their hijab. It also refers to instances involving arrest and other violations of the articles of the Convention on the Rights of the Child through impositions of hijab rules on girl children.

In addition, the report embodies a comparative look at the Islamic Republic’s efforts to enforce hijab laws in contradiction to its international commitments. As a signatory to the International Bill of Rights and the Convention on the Rights of the Child Iran is duty bound to implement the articles. However, many of its domestic codes and procedures on hijab violate the rights enshrined in these documents.

The report goes on to point out how a high number of women are not only exposed to insult, harassment and physical abuse at the hands of the authorities, but that they also face detention and various forms of torture, including lashing. The report describes the process of arrest and prosecution of women based on the charge of improper Islamic hijab and unjust sentences. It also presents an overview of the psychological abuse where in some cases women have faced death or suicide. However, it also highlights an important historical fact that despite 35 years of violent enforcement measures, Iranian women continue to resist hijab laws and through their daily struggles provide an example for women in other Muslim majority countries, in particular those in transition, to demand their rights and freedom.

In addition, based on official statistics, reports by human rights organizations and victim statements instances involving harassment, such as expulsion of women from governmental offices, refusal to grant promotion on the grounds of lacking proper Islamic hijab, banning access to education, summoning female students to disciplinary bodies and expulsion from dormitories continue unabated. Furthermore, despite many promises there has been no tangible improvement since Mr. Rowhani took office.

“Thirty-five Years of Hijab” offers a number of recommendations and highlights the need for the international community to shine a spotlight on forced hijab as a symbol and means of advancing serious and systematic human rights violation of more than half of Iran’s population. JFI calls on the Islamic Republic to lift the mandatory hijab laws and instead safeguard women’s rights to education, work, participation in cultural life, access to public services, and freedom of movement. JFI also calls on the United Nations, in particular the Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women, the United Nations Working Group on Discrimination Against Women look into gender-based discrimination in policies and practice; and the Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Iran, to include the issue of “forced hijab” in Iran in their agenda and use all means at their disposal to force the Islamic Republic to lift the law on mandatory hijab.


The report is published in Farsi and English at:

Release Shafipour, Hedayat, and All Other Women Prisoners of Conscience

International Women’s Day Sees Shafipour Sentenced to Seven Years

(March 7, 2014)—As the world prepares to honor and promote the economic, political, and social achievements of women on International Women’s Day, Iran has sentenced yet another young woman, Maryam Shafipour, for her peaceful activities.

The Iranian Judiciary should release student activists Shafipour and Bahareh Hedayat, along with the eight other women held in Tehran’s Evin Prison’s political prisoners’ ward Nesvan, the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran said today.

“There is no justification for these young women to languish in prison for precisely the kind of positive engagement that International Women’s Day is meant to promote,” said Hadi Ghaemi, executive director of the Campaign.

A student activist and member of Mehdi Karroubi’s 2009 election campaign, Maryam Shafipourwas arrested on July 27, 2013. On March 1, the Tehran Revolutionary Court sentenced her to seven years’ imprisonment and two years’ ban on “cyberspace, media, and press activities.”Hedayat, a student and women’s rights activist, has been serving a nine-year prison term since December 2009.

The eight other women serving prison terms in Evin’s political ward Nesvan include six women of the Baha’i faith—Fariba Kamal Abadi, 20 years; Mahvash Shahriari, 20 years; Faran Hesami, 4 years; Nooshin Khadem, 4 years; Leva Khanjani, 2 years; and Zhinoos Rahimi, 1 year—as well as a Christian convert, Maryam Naghash Zargaran, 4 years; and a member of the Mourning Mothers of Laleh Park, Hakimeh Shokri, 3 years.

Maryam Shafipour’s recent sentencing for the political charges of “propaganda against the regime” and “assembly and collusion against national security” included an unheard of ban on participating in cyberspace, a dangerous precedent for political activists and dissidents in Iran.

Security forces arrested Shafipour on July 27, 2013, after she answered a summons to Evin Prison Court. They then transferred her to Evin Prison, where she spent 67 days in solitary confinement and nearly eight months in “temporary detention” while her case judge refused to release her on bail.

During the trial, “Examples of ‘propaganda against the regime’ have been provided as her publishing content in cyberspace through Facebook and ‘portrayal of a dark image’ of the Islamic Republic. What this means is that whoever writes any critical messages on Facebook can be accused of this ‘crime,’” a source close to her family told the Campaign.

“Other examples of her crimes is that they found an application form for a student visa on her laptop computer. Under what law is applying for a student visa a crime?” the source added.

Maryam Shafipour is a former student of Agricultural Engineering at Qazvin International University. She was first suspended from education for two terms and later dismissed from the university due to her student activities. In 2010, a Qazvin Revolutionary Court had sentenced her to one year in prison for her student activities, which had been suspended.

Bahareh Hedayat, now 32, is a former member of the Central Council and the Spokesperson for the nationwide student organization Daftar-e Tahkim-e Vahdat. A Tehran court sentenced her to a total of nine years and six months in prison, comprised of two years for “insulting the Supreme Leader,” six months for “insulting the President,” and five years for “acting against national security and publishing falsehoods.” She was also sentenced to an additional two years in prison for “acting against national security through holding a protest gathering for women” on June 12, 2006, currently suspended.

“Releasing all these women would be a much more fitting way to mark March 8 than continuing to sentence and imprison women activists for peaceful exercise of their rights,” Ghaemi said.

Farzaneh Moradi, A 26 year young woman, was hanged this morning

Farzaneh (Razieh) Moradi (26) was hanged in the prison of Isfahan this morning- She was convicted of murdering her husband, to whom she had been married to at the age of 15. Farzaneh’s daughter is 10 year old and has not seen her mother since she was arrested six years ago.


Iran Human Rights, March 4, 2014: Farzaneh Moradi, 26 year old woman whose scheduled execution was postponed one months ago, was hanged  early this morning.

Quoting Farzaneh’s lawyer Abdolsamad Khoramshahi, the Iranian enws website reported that Farzaneh’s execution was carried out in the prison of Isfahan this morning. According to the report the lawyer had not been informed about the execution. According to the Iranian laws the lawyer has to be present at the time and site of the execution.

Farzaneh Moradi, was convicted of murdering her husband six years ago.  At the beginning she confessed to the murder but later she said that it was another man identified as Saeed  who had committed the murder.  However, the court didn’t accept the new explanation and sentenced her to death (qisas, retribution in kind). According to the Iranian law, the only way to save her life was if the family of the offended pardoned her.

Farzaneh was married to her husband Ahmad at the age of 15, and became a mother of a girl when she was only 16.  According to several reports Farzaneh was not happy with her marriage. According to her , the man who had committed the murder had promised Farzaneh that they would live together, and told her that if she accepted the responsibility for the murder she would not be executed since she is mother of a little child.

Farzaneh had not seen her daughter since she was arrested six years ago.

Iran Human Rights (IHR) strongly condemns Farzaneh’s execution. Referring to the sentence of “qisas” (retribution), Mahmood Amiry-Moghaddam, the spokesperson of IHR said: “Iranian authorities are fully responsible for Farzaneh’s execution even if by using the ingumane sentence of qisas, they want to put the responsibility of her execution on the shoulders of the family of the offended. According to the international law, punishment is the responsibility of the state”.


Tagesspiegel| Erste Stunt-Frau in Iran – Mahsa Ahmadi ist die Frau für gefährliche Situationen

Schwebt durch die Lüfte. Die Iranerin Mahsa Ahmadi. Foto: Katharina Eglau
Schwebt durch die Lüfte. Die Iranerin Mahsa Ahmadi. - FOTO: KATHARINA EGLAU

Mahsa Ahmadi ist die erste Stuntwoman im Iran – sie hat schon in “Skyfall” mitgespielt und wird das auch im nächsten 007-Film tun. Das einzige, was sie bei ihren waghalsigen Stunts behindert, ist das Kopftuch, das sie immer tragen muss.

„Autounfälle kann ich besser als Männer“, sagt sie und schmunzelt. Mal steht Mahsa Ahmadi in hellen Flammen, mal stürzt sie von einer Brücke in einen reißenden Fluss, mal läuft sie wie schwerelos an einer Hochhauswand herunter oder springt vom Hubschrauber am Bungee-Seil in die Tiefe – die 24-Jährige beherrscht alles, was in ihrer Branche verlangt wird. Mahsa Ahmadi ist Stunt-Frau, die erste im Iran und eine von mittlerweile zehn im ganzen Land. „Stunt 13“ heißt ihre Truppe, vor sechs Jahren von Arsha Aghdasi gegründet, einem drahtigen und energischen Mann. „Ich brauche den regelmäßigen Adrenalin-Stoß im Körper“, sagt er. Inzwischen hat seine Firma acht feste Mitarbeiter.

„Mahsa ist die Beste“, schwärmt ihr 31-jähriger Boss. In 21 iranischen Filmen hatte sie bereits mitgespielt, bis 2012 mit James Bond der Welterfolg kam. Zunächst meldeten sich die Macher von „Skyfall“ bei den Iranern per Like auf deren Facebook-Seite, wo ihr Stunt-Clip mit einem sieben Meter senkrecht in die Luft geschleuderten Auto zu sehen war. Vier Wochen später kam per E-Mail eine Einladung zu Dreharbeiten in der Türkei. „Wir konnten es zuerst nicht glauben und dachten, da will uns jemand auf den Arm nehmen“, bekannten die beiden.

Schon in “Skyfall” war Mahsa Ahmadi dabei

Vollständiger Artikel

Farzaneh Moradi’s Hanging Scheduled for This Morning Now Delayed for a Month: Justice for Iran Demands A Retrial


girls (2)Justice for Iran (JFI), October 24, 2013- The hanging of Farzaneh Moradi, a 26-year-old woman charged with the murder of her husband, scheduled for this morning, was delayed by a month this morning in Isfahan, Iran.

Mohammad Reza Habibi, the Attorney General in Isfahan confirmed the extension and added the judiciary is making every effort to secure the agreement of the victim’s family in order to spare her life. According to Abdolsamad Khorramshahi, Farzaneh’s lawyer, the family of her late husband has agreed to give her a month in order to prove it was her lover who committed the murder and not her.

Farzaneh Moradi was forced to marry a paternal relative at the age of 15 and gave birth to her first child at 16. Farzaneh fell in love with a man named Saeed at 19 and a year later was charged and arrested for the murder of her husband. She initially took responsibility for the murder of her husband hoping his parents would forgive her and Saeed who had committed the murder was then in a position to marry her.

Khorramshahi points out Saeed is at large and Farzaneh needs to begin the process of charging him with the murder as she claims. He adds the family of Farzaneh’s late husband will only agree to spare her life, if Saeed is tried, a challenging task that may prove impossible. In this manner, Farzaneh, a victim of forced early marriage, continues to face execution.

In a report entitled “Stolen Lives, Empty Classrooms: An Overview on Girl Marriages in the Islamic Republic of Iran” published on the occasion of the inaugural International Day of the Girl Child on 11 October 2013, Justice for Iran examined the statistics and laws pertaining to forced girl marriages and called for a ban on child marriages and abolishing all laws pertaining to girl marriages, in particular those below the age of 13. In addition, JFI submitted a report to the United Human Rights Council, now in the midst of investigating this phenomenon. JFI also held a Facebook event attracting more than 56,000 members with more than 150 moving personal enriching this important initiative.

girls (2)

Furthermore, JFI published a new report today, entitled “Forced Girl Marriages: The Death of One’s Reality“. This report examines the justifications, but more importantly the effects of this form of harmful practice on the lives of women and girl children, who form the least powerful segment of the family and society in Iran, based on accounts and images shared in JFI’s Facebook event. They include lack of access to education, physical or psychological damage, domestic violence, early pregnancy and its side effects, suicide or in some cases homicide at the expense of facing execution, as in the case of Farzaneh Moradi, who may have played a role in her husband’s murder in order to flee forced marriage.

Please see the relevant Prezi at this link or the picture.



Academic studies indicate women charged with the murder of their spouses are often forced to marry as children between 13 and 18 years of age. Many of those in Iran are unable to flee domestic violence due to cultural and legal barriers to divorce.

Source: Shadi Sadr

Handelsblatt| Irans Führung macht Schluss mit Gratis-Kondomen

Einst fürchtete der Iran eine Bevölkerungsexplosion. Jetzt droht dem Land eine Überalterung – Babys sind gefragt. Aber wie es aussieht, haben die jungen Paare im Land mittlerweile andere Vorstellungen von ihrem Leben.

Eine Kinderklinik in Teheran: Hier sollen künftig mehr Kinder geboren werden – so will es jedenfalls die iranische Regierung. Quelle: ap
Eine Kinderklinik in Teheran: Hier sollen künftig mehr Kinder geboren werden – so will es jedenfalls die iranische Regierung.Quelle: ap

TeheranDie Zeiten kostenloser Kondome im Iran sind vorbei, auch von der Regierung geförderte Sterilisationen für Männer gibt es nicht mehr. Stattdessen wird gepredigt, wie schön es sei, eine größere Familie zu haben. Und es wird sogar darüber diskutiert, die Ankunft von Nachwuchs mit einer Goldmünze zu belohnen. Nach zwei Jahrzehnten der Bemühungen, die Geburtenrate zu verringern, will die iranische Führung nun einen Babyboom im Land. Jetzt gilt es, eine drohende Überalterung der Bevölkerung zu verhindern.

Aber Paare davon zu überzeugen, dass mehr Kinder ein Segen sind, ist sehr schwierig, wenn die Wirtschaft wegen schlechten Managements und westlicher Sanktionen am Boden ist und die Inflation bei 36 Prozent liegt. „Eine Goldmünze würde nichts an den Überlegungen von Paaren ändern“, sagt Mohammad Dschalal Abbasi, Leiter des Demografischen Instituts der Universität Teheran. „Viele jungen Iraner ziehen es vor, ein Studium zu absolvieren, nicht zu heiraten. Andere verschieben eine Heirat oder wollen keine große Familie, weil sie nicht genug Geld haben, ein Haus zu kaufen oder auch nur ihre Rechnungen zu bezahlen.“

Vollständiger Artikel

Basler Zeitung| Der Gottesstaat ist bankrott

Von Tomas Avenarius, Teheran. Aktualisiert vor 24 Minuten

Der iranische Präsident Hassan Rohani kommt ans WEF, um neue Wirtschaftskontakte zu knüpfen. Denn sein Vorgänger hat ihm ein Land am Rande des Ruins hinterlassen: wirtschaftlich, politisch, moralisch.

Beim Kosmetikkonsum stehen die Iranerinnen trotz einem anderen Frauenbild ihrer geistlichen Führer weltweit an siebter Stelle. Foto: Atta Kenare (AFP)<br />
” src=”<a href=; />

Beim Kosmetikkonsum stehen die Iranerinnen trotz einem anderen Frauenbild ihrer geistlichen Führer weltweit an siebter Stelle. Foto: Atta Kenare (AFP)

Fünf Jahre Arbeit. «Für nichts.» Nadia Shams hat ihre Freundinnen viele Monate beobachtet. Betrachtet, wie die jungen Frauen sich schminken, die Augenbrauen zupfen, Eyeliner auftragen, im Spiegel die ersten Falten beäugen. In den Jahren danach hat Nadia die Mädchen aus der Wohngemeinschaft gemalt. Ein Zyklus aus 15 grossformatigen Bildern: Minuten aus dem Leben junger Iranerinnen, sehr intim. Der Teheraner Galerist ist begeistert, die Porträts hängen zwei Tage. Dann kommt der Anruf. Die Zensurbehörde lässt Nadia wissen, dass das dargestellte Frauenbild nicht zu dem passe, was die Islamische Republik propagiert: «Du wirbst für eine Kultur, die nicht die unsere ist.»

Eine Kultur, die nicht die unsere ist. In einem Land, in dem Frauen und Mädchen am frühen Morgen aussehen, als träten sie aus dem Beautysalon. Als seien sie nicht auf dem Weg zur Arbeit, zur Bäckerei, sondern zum Ball. Beim Kosmetikkonsum steht der Iran weltweit an siebter Stelle, im Mittleren Osten verbrauchen nur die saudischen Frauen mehr Lippenstift: Der eingeschüchterte Galerist hat die Bilder dennoch sofort von der Wand genommen.

So ist der Iran: voller Hoffnungen, voller Misserfolge, Frustrationen. Bis zu den Atomgesprächen in Genf vor ein paar Wochen: ein grosses Drama. Zentrifugen, die sich immer schneller drehten, Kriegsdrohungen aus Israel, immer neue, aus dem Hut gezauberte Wunderwaffen im Iran. Die Aussenminister der Grossmächte flogen schliesslich in Genf ein, sprachen mit den Persern, reisten zornig wieder ab, schüttelten ihnen nach weiteren Tagen des Geschachers am Ende doch die Hände: der diplomatische Durchbruch. Zeitungen weltweit jubelten, eine neue Ära breche an. Der Iran und der Westen würden den alles lähmenden Atomstreit beilegen, sich annähern, die Wirtschaft des Landes werde sich erholen, Frieden für den ganzen Nahen Osten sei greifbar.

Die Vertreter der amerikanischen Ölkonzerne, die Autobosse in Frankreich, die deutschen Maschinenbauer nahmen Witterung auf. Sie hoffen auf das grosse Geschäft. Nach 30 Jahren Isolation sind die persischen Pipelines löchrig, die Fabriken marode. Der Markt eines 75-Millionen-Volks schreit nach Fliessbändern, Walzwerken, Fertigprodukten. Ein deutscher Wirtschaftsvertreter sagt: «Der Iran ist das Filetstück weltweit – viele Rohstoffe, eine grosse Bevölkerung, hoher Nachholbedarf.»

«Sie stecken dich in einen Sack»

Saeed verkauft Obst, an der Strasse Isfahan–Teheran, der Wind ist beissend kalt in der Wüstenlandschaft: «Granatäpfel, Orangen, Zitronen. Was ich anbiete, richtet sich nach der Saison.» Saeed hat Sorgen, seine Tochter heiratet bald. Er muss das Geld für die Aussteuer zusammenkratzen. Für den Kühlschrank, die Waschmaschine, den Fernseher, den Mixer. «Die Preise sind ins Unermessliche gestiegen. Alles kostet das Vierfache.» Saeed hat kein Geld, kein Talent. Warum er so leben muss, wie er lebt, das begreift er. Er dreht den Kopf nach hinten, blickt auf die Teppichfabrik zwischen den Feldern. Da hat er früher gearbeitet, bevor sie ihm vor sechs Jahren gekündigt haben: «Die stammt noch aus der Zeit des Schahs. Jetzt ist sie pleite.» Viel will Saeed nicht sagen. Er kennt sein Land: «Die holen dich. Die stecken dich in einen Sack.» Der Obstverkäufer ist einer der ewigen Habenichtse, für welche die Islamische Revolution angeblich ausgekämpft wurde vor 30 Jahren. So wie für die Intellektuellen, die Künstler, die Jugend. Saeed kann nicht lesen, nicht schreiben. Aber er kann sich erinnern. «Als ich Kind war, zu Zeiten des Schahs, da ging es uns Iranern besser. Wir hatten zu essen, wir waren nicht traurig. Heute sind wir traurig.»



SüdwestPresse| Irans Jugend wartet ungeduldig auf den Aufbruch

Die Staatskassen sind geplündert, der hohe moralische Anspruch der bisherigen Politriege in Teheran als Farce demaskiert. Irans Jugend blickt mit Verachtung auf die Emporkömmlinge neuerer Zeit. Eine Reportage von Martin Gehlen


“Das Selbst der Frauen”, hat sie ihren Zyklus genannt. 15 großformatige Ölbilder zeigen intime Momente vor dem Spiegel. Frauen betrachten ihre Gesichter, zupfen ihre Augenbrauen oder schminken sich die Lippen für den anbrechenden Tag. Fünf Jahre hat Nadia Shams an dieser ungewöhnlichen Serie gearbeitet. Zwei Wochen lang war sie im Oktober in der Teheraner Shirin-Galerie ausgestellt, dann kam der Anruf. “Komm, hol alles ab, das Ministerium für Kultur und islamische Führung hat Probleme damit – und wir wollen keinen Ärger.” Nun sitzt die zierliche 25-Jährige in dem kleinen, vollgestopften Atelier, raucht, gestikuliert und schimpft mit sanfter Stimme. “Bis der Sieg des neuen Präsidenten Rohani bei uns Künstlern ankommt, das kann noch lange dauern”, sagt sie. “Ich hatte so viele Hoffnungen, und doch wieder nur die übliche Blockade.”

Nadia Shams Leidenschaft ist die Porträtmalerei, ein heikles Feld im puritanischen Sittenkodex der Islamischen Republik. “Die Bilder werben für Make-up, das ist eine im Iran unerwünschte Kultur, die nicht unsere eigene ist”, hieß die Begründung des staatlichen Zensors. Und mit diesem Verdikt sind ihre Bilder unverkäuflich im heutigen Iran, ein Land, das zusammen mit dem anderen islamischen Gottesstaat Saudi-Arabien der größte Konsument von Kosmetika in der gesamten nahöstlichen Region ist. “Ich bin doppelt benachteiligt – ich bin Frau und auch noch Künstlerin”, sagt sie bitter.

Vollständiger Artikel

IRAN- Prostitution in Iran, Documentary.

Divorce Iranian Style – Family Court Rooms in Iran – Documentary

Divorce Iranian Style challenges preconceptions about what life is like for women in Iran. The most startling thing about the film is simply that it was made. The filmmakers follow the cases of three women who are attempting to divorce their husbands. Although Iranian religious law frowns on divorce, a man is allowed to claim the privilege without needing to show cause, provided
he pays his ex-wife compensation. A woman, however, can only sue for divorce if she can prove that her husband is sterile or mad, or if he agrees to let her out of their marriage contract. In the last case, the compensation becomes the bargaining chip: the man will sometimes give his wife her freedom if he doesn’t have to pay.

The women are assertive, demanding, and persistent to a degree that confounds stereotypes of oppression. They challenge the judge, badger the uncooperative clerk for misplaced files, chew out their husbands and their husbands’ families.
At one point, the judge tells a little girl (the daughter of the court stenographer who has been a fixture in the court from the age of two months) that he has a man picked out for her who’s “not like the riffraff that come in here.” The girl
has a more radical plan: “I won’t marry ever, now that I know what husbands are like.”


Tagesspiegel| Iran im Umbruch – “Mit Religion ist kein Staat zu machen”


Tausende Teheraner zieht es freitags in die Berge am Stadtrand. Foto: Katharina Eglau
Raus aus dem Mief. Tausende Teheraner zieht es freitags in die Berge am Stadtrand. In der Hütte feiern die jungen Leute. - FOTO: KATHARINA EGLAU

Bilder von geschminkten Frauen? Verboten. Dabei werden Kosmetika im Iran tonnenweise verkauft. Schnapstrinkende Romanhelden? Verboten. Obwohl wilde Partys längst zum Alltag gehören. Die Bigotterie zermürbt die Menschen in Teheran. Aber sie sind sicher: Das System ist am Ende.

Es sind intime Momente. Die Frauen betrachten ihre Gesichter, ernst und konzentriert. Die eine zupft ihre Augenbrauen, die andere zieht sich einen Lidstrich. „Das Selbst der Frauen“, nennt Nadia Shams ihren Zyklus. Fünf Jahre lang hat sie an den 15 großformatigen Ölbildern gearbeitet. Im Oktober wagte es die Shirin-Galerie in Teheran, ihre ungewöhnliche Serie auszustellen. Zwei Wochen ging alles gut, dann kam der Anruf. „Komm, hol alles ab, das Ministerium für Kultur und islamische Führung hat Probleme damit – und wir wollen keinen Ärger“, sagte der Galerist.

Ihre Hoffnung wurde enttäuscht

Nun ist Nadia Shams, eine zierliche Frau von 25 Jahren, in ihrem ohnehin vollgestopften Atelier also wieder von ihren 15 Heldinnen umgeben.

Die Künstlerin gestikuliert mit einer Zigarette in der Hand, als sie mit sanfter Stimme klagt: „Ich hatte so viele Hoffnungen, doch es gibt wieder nur die übliche Blockade.“ Bis der Sieg des neuen Präsidenten Hassan Ruhani „bei uns Künstlern ankommt, das kann noch lange dauern“.

Vollständiger Artikel

Irans Frauen hoffen auf bessere Zeiten


Irans Frauen hoffen auf bessere Zeiten (Beitrag hören)

Hohe Erwartungen nach Wahl Rohanis

Von Reinhard Baumgarten

Iranische Frauen auf einem Basar in Teheran

Iranische Frauen auf einem Basar in Teheran (picture alliance / dpa / Abedin Taherkenareh)

Hassan Rohani ist im Sommer zum iranischen Präsidenten gewählt worden. Es waren vor allem Frauen, die dem Geistlichen ihre Stimme gegeben haben. Viele hoffen nun, dass sich ihre Lage verbessert.

“Ich weiß, dass die Umsetzung der Verfassung die Rettung ist. Ich werde § 3 der Ver­fassung über die Rechte der Bürger als Grundlage eines neuen Gesetzes dem Parlament vorlegen. Mann und Frau genießen die gleichen Bürgerrechte.”

Männer, Frauen, Gleichheit – auf allen Ebenen. Das ist es, was unzählige Frauen vom neuen iranischen Präsidenten erwarten. In großer Zahl haben sie seine Wahlveranstaltungen besucht. Sie haben den als mo­de­rat geltenden Geistlichen sagen hören:

“Unsere Regierung der Besinnung und Hoffnung hat sich eine wichtige Aufgabe ge­setzt. Sie will die Leiden und Sorgen der iranischen Nation lindern, sie will Freude  in das Leben der Iraner zurückbringen.”

Irans Frauen hören die Worte wohl – allein, vielen fehlt daran der Glaube. Hassan Ro­hanis sanfte Töne nach acht Jahren der gesell­schaft­lichen Polarisierung unter Präsident Mahmoud Ahme­di­nejad mögen gut klingen. Doch viele Iraner und vor allem Iranerin­nen bleiben skeptisch, wenn der neue Präsident sagt:

“Die Menschen verlangen die Einhaltung der Bürgerrechte sowie die Wahrung der Rechte aller Minderheiten und aller Kleinkulturen, Ruhe und Rationalität bei den politischen Entscheidungen, Wahrung der gesetzmäßigen Freiheiten der Gruppen, Par­teien und Personen und Wahrung der Privatsphäre aller Bürger.” Lies den Rest dieses Beitrags

DW| Nobelpreisträgerin Ebadi kritisiert Menschenrechtslage im Iran

Die iranische Friedensnobelpreisträgerin Shirin Ebadi ist enttäuscht über die Entwicklung der Menschenrechte in ihrer Heimat. Keine ihrer Erwartungen sei erfüllt, sagte sie zum Internationalen Tag der Menschenrechte.

Die Friedensnobelpreisträgerin Schirin Ebadi (Foto: dpa)

“Leider hat sich die Menschenrechtssituation in den vergangenen zehn Jahren im Iran ständig verschlechtert”, sagte Shirin Ebadi der Deutschen Welle. “Schlimmer noch: In einigen Bereichen ist das Land rückschrittlicher als zuvor.” Seit August dieses Jahres ist Hassan Rohani Präsident des Iran. Er löste Mahmud Ahmadinedschad nach rund acht Jahren an der Regierungsspitze ab.

Als ein aktuelles Beispiel für die Verschlechterung der Menschenrechtssituation nannte Ebadi die Quotenregelung bei der Zulassung zur Universität. Diese benachteilige Frauen. An die Regierung in Teheran richtete Ebadi die Forderung, politische Gefangene “in naher Zukunft” freizulassen.

Nach der Einigung im Streit um das iranische Atomprogramm hoffe sie auf eine vollständige Aufhebung der Sanktionen gegen den Iran, damit die Aufmerksamkeit der internationalen Gemeinschaft auf die Lage der Menschenrechte gelenkt werde. Die Juristin Ebadi hatte vor zehn Jahren als erste muslimische Frau den Friedensnobelpreis erhalten. Seit 2009 lebt sie im Exil.

Tag der Menschenrechte

An diesem Dienstag wird weltweit der Tag der Menschenrechte begangen. Er erinnert an die Allgemeine Erklärung der Menschenrechte, die am 10. Dezember 1948 von der UN-Vollversammlung in Paris verabschiedet wurde. Das Dokument ist völkerrechtlich nicht verbindlich, setzte aber international Normen für unveräußerliche Grundrechte und Freiheiten. Dazu gehören das Recht auf Leben, auf Glaubens-, Meinungs- und Pressefreiheit sowie der Schutz vor Folter, willkürlicher Haft und Diskriminierung.

Auch wirtschaftliche Menschenrechte wie das Recht auf Arbeit, Nahrung und Wohnung sind in der Erklärung enthalten. “Alle Menschen sind frei und gleich an Würde und Rechten geboren”, heißt es in dem Dokument, das unter dem Schock des Nazi-Terrors und des Zweiten Weltkriegs entstanden war. Menschenrechte sind im Grundgesetz der Bundesrepublik und in den Verfassungen vieler Staaten verankert.

Die in der Allgemeinen Erklärung formulierten Rechte wurden auch durch internationale Konventionen verbindlich. Völkerrechtliche Abkommen gibt es etwa zu Kinderschutz, Folterverbot und Schutz vor Diskriminierung wegen Rasse oder Geschlecht. Grundlegend sind der Pakt über bürgerliche und politische Rechte und der Pakt über wirtschaftliche, soziale und kulturelle Rechte, denen jeweils rund 150 Staaten beitraten.

kle/gri (kna, epd, dpa,


Human Rights Watch|Witness: Iran, Where Your Shoes Can Get You Deported


  • Afghans cross the border from Iran back into Afghanistan near Islam Qala, Afghanistan, in April 2013.© 2013 Mikhail Galustov for Human Rights Watch
Sitting by the border talking about their next steps, the family looked shell-shocked. It was also obvious that the girls had no idea how much harder their lives would be in Afghanistan, where the expectations of women – and women’s ability to exercise their rights – is so different from in Iran.

In the end, the family was deported to Afghanistan over pink sneakers and platform sandals.

Zohrah, 17, and her sister Hasina, 15, sounded furious, in a teenager kind of way, when they talked about their arrest and how it led them, their father, and Zohrah’s boyfriend to a dusty reception center on the Afghan side of the Iran-Afghanistan border.

They were waiting for a bus to drive them across the arid land further into Afghanistan, a country neither girl had ever seen  – Hasina was born in Iran, and their parents had settled in Iran when Zohrah was still an infant. But because their parents were Afghans, none of the family had Iranian citizenship. Dozens of other Afghans sat with them in the hangers of the reception center. Like Zohran and Hasina’s family, a number of them had papers showing they lived in Iran legally, but this didn’t stop Iranian officials from deporting them.

The girls had been arrested only three or four days earlier – that’s how long the entire deportation process took. They had traveled about 35 kilometers from their home to make a religious pilgrimage to Qom, a holy city for Shia Muslims. Zohrah wore high-heeled platform sandals, while Hasina wore pink sneakers. In Qom, a police officer stopped them, offended that they chose to wear bright shoes when visiting a holy city. He also criticized them for wearing makeup. The girls argued with the police officer, and he arrested them on charges of not sufficiently complying with Iran’s strict Islamic dress code for women. Lies den Rest dieses Beitrags

Photo Essay: A New Mood in Iran

bySemira Nikou 

            The voice of Ali Larijani, Iran’s parliament speaker, disrupted our dinner party.
            We left our plates filled with fruits and nuts to huddle around the television, as the speaker read the names of President Hassan Rouhani’s cabinet picks one by one, announcing whether or not each had been approved by the parliament. One of the guests, a journalist, let out a sigh of relief with Bijan Namdar Zangeneh’s approval as petroleum minister. Zanganeh, who had served in the same position under former President Mohammad Khatami’s reformist administration from 1997 to 2005, was a key candidate whose nomination had been hotly challenged by Iran’s conservative parliament.
            With parliament ultimately approving 15 out of the 18 proposed ministers, the administration of hope—as Rouhani’s presidency is referred to—had delivered a competent cabinet. Now we could eat.
            There is a new mood in Iran. I recently visited Tehran in August 2013, four years after my last trip in June 2009. Much has changed since.  The Iran of 2009 and the Iran of 2013 are two different places. Lies den Rest dieses Beitrags


Die 24-jährige Neda aus dem Iran konnte sich bereits einen großen Lebenstraum erfüllen. Vor Kurzem hat sie ihr Medizin-Studium begonnen. Denn Neda möchte eines Tages Ärztin werden. Doch bevor sie bedürftigen Patienten helfen kann, ist Neda jetzt selbst dringend auf Ihre Hilfe angewiesen. Besiegen Sie gemeinsam mit uns Nedas Blutkrebs!


Damit Neda weiterleben kann, braucht Sie eine Stammzellspende. Dafür müssen die Gewebemerkmale des Spenders mit denen von Neda nahezu vollständig übereinstimmen. Gewebemerkmale sind teilweise von der Herkunft abhängig. Es ist deshalb viel wahrscheinlicher für Neda, einen Spender innerhalb der iranischstämmigen Bevölkerung zu finden als in einer anderen Bevölkerungsgruppe.

Deshalb ruft die DKMS gemeinsam mit der persischstämmigen TV-Moderatorin Nina Moghaddam insbesondere gebürtige Iraner in Deutschland zur Registrierung auf. Hierfür arbeitet die DKMS mit der Deutsch-Iranischen Krebshilfe zusammen, die iranischen Krebskranken in Deutschland und im Iran hilft. Neda hofft, dass dieser Aufruf letztendlich nicht nur ihr, “sondern auch anderen Patienten hilft”. Helfen Sie mit und registrieren Sie sich jetzt als Stammzellspender!

Helfen Sie Neda und anderen Patienten!
Haben Sie Fragen oder Ideen zur Unterstützung für die Suche nach Nedas Lebensretter?

DKMS, Katrin Dördelmann oder
Tel. 0221/940 582 3531Deutsch-Iranische Krebshilfe, Regina Gulde oder
Tel. 06031/1609393


Laleh Pourkarim, Hame ba Ham = All together لاله همه با هم

Rita Yahan Farouz – Sängerin

Rita Yahan Farouz (ehem. Rita Kleinstein, hebräisch ‏ ריטה‎; * 24. März 1962 als Rita Yahan Farouz (Pers ریتا جہان فروز ) in Teheran, Iran) ist eine erfolgreiche israelische Sängerin. Ihre Familie stammt ursprünglich aus dem Iran und wanderte 1970 nach Israel aus.

1986 scheiterte Rita bei der israelischen Vorentscheidung zum Eurovision Song Contest. 1990 gewann sie die Vorentscheidung mit dem Lied Shara Barekhovot(dt.: „Singt in den Straßen“) und nahm so als Vertreterin Israels in Zagreb teil. Sie erreichte jedoch nur den 18. Platz bei 22 Teilnehmern.

Rita war verheiratet mit dem israelischen Musiker Rami Kleinstein. Die beiden haben zwei Töchter: Meshi und Noam. Im September 2008 gab das Paar seine Trennung bekannt.[1]

Am 22. Juni 2011 erschien ihre neue persische Single, Shane.

Am 5. März 2013 sang sie vor der Generalversammlung der Vereinten Nationen in persischer, englischer und hebräischer Sprache.

Lies den Rest dieses Beitrags

Laleh (* 10. Juni 1982 im Iran; eigentlich Laleh Pourkarim)

Als sie ein Jahr alt war, flohen ihre Eltern mit ihr aus dem Iran. Über Aserbaidschan, Minsk, Ost-Berlin und Tidaholm landeten sie schließlich inGöteborg, wo Laleh eine musikalische Ausbildung am Hvitfeldtska gymnasiet erhielt.

Im Jahr 2000 spielte Laleh die Rolle der Yasmin in Josef Fares’ Film Jalla! Jalla!.

Am 5. Februar 2005 kam ihre erste Single Invisible (My Song) über das Label Warner auf den Markt. Sie brachte ihr sofort den Durchbruch und wurde ein Top-Ten-Hit. Ihr nach ihr selbst benanntes Debütalbum stieg danach auf Platz 10 der Albumcharts ein, hielt sich monatelang in den Charts und stieg dann Anfang 2006 sogar noch auf Platz 1. In den folgenden Jahren konnte sich Laleh besonders mit ihren Alben als schwedische Topkünstlerin etablieren.

Im Januar 2012 erschien ihr zweites Nummer-eins-Album Sjung mit der Single Some Die Young. Das Lied wurde auch im Nachbarland Norwegen entdeckt und als Untermalung für die Berichterstattung zum Breivik-Prozess verwendet, in dem es um die vielen jugendlichen Toten der Anschläge in Norwegen 2011ging. Das Lied stieg in Norwegen an die Chartspitze und war in Schweden ihr dritter Top-Ten-Hit.

Some Die Young Songtext

I will tell you a story if you die
I will tell you a story and keep you alive
And the best you can
I will tell them to the children
If we have some
If we have some

And I have always felt the feeling we would die young
Some die young
Some die young
Some die young

You better hold on
Some many things I need to say to you
Please don’t, don’t let me go
And we said we would die together
some die young

You better hold on
Some many things I need to say to you
Please dont, don’t let me go
And wee said we would die together
Some die young

I will tell you a story if you try
But along with your thoughts of valleis they are green
When the world you were born in changes of seasons
Will you run with the dream or will you run alone
or will you run against and finally reveal
Why some die young
Why some die young
Why some die, some die young

Some die young
But you better hold on
So many things I need to say to you
Please don’t, don’t let me go
And we said we would die together

Some die young
But you better hold on
So many things I need to say to you
Please don’t, don’t let me go
And we said we would die together

Some die young
but you better hold on
but you better hold on
So many things i need to say to you
Please don’t, don’t let me go
and we said we would die together
Some die young
(Some die young)


%d Bloggern gefällt das: