Archiv für den Tag 17. Juli 2014

News from Iran – Week 26 – 2014

by lissnup

Prisoners’ News


  • Hamed Ahmadi, death row prisoner on hunger strike, transferred to hospital for stomach bleeding.
  • Mansour Arvand, death row prisoner, transferred from Urmiah prison to an unknown location.
  • Dr. Kamran Ayazi transferred from Evin to Rejaei Shahr.
  • Shahram Chinian-Miandoab transferred to solitary in Rejaei Shahr.
  • Dr. Latif Hasani, on hunger strike since May 10th, transferred to hospital and then to Evin.
  • Behnam Irani, Christian priest recently converted, transferred from Alborz Intelligence detention center to Rejaei Shahr.
  • Mehdi Khazali moved from Evin to Rejaei Shahr.
  • Kasra Nouri transferred back from Adel Abad prison to Nezam prison.


  • Sivan Hosseinpour, Kurdish photographer and cartoonist, arrested at home in Mahabad.
  • Bahman Khaleghi, Azeri activist, begins serving his 6 months sentence in Tabriz.
  • Majid Moghadam arrested during 5th memorial at Neda Agha-Soltan grave and released the day after.
  • Hojatoleslam Seyed Hamid Mahdavi-Eghdam begins serving his sentence in Tabriz prison.
  • Mamousta Abdol-Salam Golnavaz, Kurdish cleric, summoned to clerical court in Tabriz and arrested ; released the day after because of protests
  • Behnam Mousivand arrested during 5th memorial at Neda Agha-Soltan’s grave and released the day after.
  • Afshin Nadimi, Kurdish rights activist, begins serving his 6 years sentence in Sanandaj prison.
  • Reyhaneh Tabatabaei, journalist, begins serving her 6 months sentence in Evin.
  • Female football fans arrested and released after president’s intervention.


  • Leva Khanjani freed at the end of her sentence.
  • Amir Khorram released on furlough.

D-Other News

  • Reza Akbari-Monfared on hunger strike in Rejaei Shahr to support Reza Shahabi.
  • Mohammad Banazadeh-Amirkhizi on hunger strike in Rejaei Shahr to supportReza Shahabi.
  • Dr. Asghar Ghotan on hunger strike in Rejaei Shahr to support Reza Shahabi.
  • Afshin Heiratian on hunger strike in Rejaei Shahr to support Reza Shahabi.
  • Khaled Herdani on hunger strike in Rejaei Shahr to support Reza Shahabi.
  • Saleh Kohandel on hunger strike in Rejaei Shahr to support Reza Shahabi.
  • Mohammad-Ali (Pirouz) Mansouri on hunger strike in Rejaei Shahr to supportReza Shahabi.
  • Ali Moezi banned from all visits.
  • Ali Salanpour on hunger strike in Rejaei Shahr to support Reza Shahabi.
  • Shahrokh Zamani on hunger strike in Rejaei Shahr to support Reza Shahabi.

News of injustice in Iran

  • Mashallah Shamsolvaezin, journalist, banned from leaving the country.
  • 5 hangings in Birjand prison.
  • 8 hangings in Rasht on Monday.
  • 2 hangings Rejaei Shahr on Wednesday.
  • 11 hangings in Ghezel-Hesar on Thursday.

University – Culture

  • Shahr e Sokhteh inscribed in Unesco World Heritage list.
  • Two paintings by Iranian poet Sohrab Sepehri sold for over $1 million in Tehran auction.
  • Iranian students blocked from UK Stem courses by Kaplan due to US sanctions.
  • Islamic Association of Shiraz University of Technology reopens after 4 years


  • Tehranis celebrate great match of Team Melli against Argentina on the street.
  • Retired steel workers protest withheld pension payments.
  • Reporters strike at national broadcaster in Ardebil for unpaid wages.
  • Miners protest to keep company private and they stop privatisation.

Iran abroad

  • Zarif meets Sudanese minister of development in Tehran.
  • French parliamentary delegation visits Iranian Majlis.
  • Iran operates drones from former American base in Iraq.

Iran Economics

  • Turkey sells 200 tons of secret gold to Iran.
  • India makes $550m oil payment to Iran.

Iran Politics

  • Iranian police launches new campaign to seize satellite dishes.
  • Gholamali Jafarzadeh, a member of Iran’s planning and Budget Commission calls for Ahmadinejad’s prosecution.
  • 75% of provincial governors replaced last year.
  • Vasectomy punishable by 2 to 5 years in prison.
  • Health Minister challenges law against birth control.


  • Iran is getting ready for its best year of tourism in a generation.
  • Iranian pilgrims captured by ISIS released, back to country.
  • Iran has the highest cancer rate because of contaminated gasoline.


Kerry floats new sanctions on Iran

US Secretary of State John Kerry speaks during a joint news conference in Cairo, June 22, 2014. (photo by REUTERS/Brendan Smialowski)

US Secretary of State John Kerry told lawmakers July 17 that passing new triggered sanctions on Iran might help unlock a nuclear deal, a complete reversal from the policy of the President Barack Obama administration until now, Al-Monitor has learned.

Kerry made the remarks at a State Department meeting with a group of Jewish lawmakers who are regularly briefed on issues pertaining to Israel. He discussed the likely need for an extension of the negotiations of up to four months as well as the Israel-Gaza conflict. He made it clear that he was just floating ideas, several lawmakers said, and had not gotten Obama to sign off on them.

„He said it might be useful as a spur,“ one lawmaker said. „But he said he hadn’t checked with the White House.“

Triggered sanctions would only kick in if negotiations fail to produce results within a pre-determined timeframe.

Kerry’s signals immediately spurred some hawkish pro-Israel lawmakers to consider legislative action.

„I sensed an openness toward a sanctions bill that would be triggered by future events — or untriggered by positive future events,“ said Rep. Brad Sherman, D-Calif. „So I’d like to work on that.“ Sherman was not among the lawmakers who told Al-Monitor that Kerry floated the idea.

The State Department said official policy remains opposed to new sanctions.

„Our position has not changed — we do not support additional nuclear-related sanctions while we negotiate,“ State Department spokeswoman Marie Harf told Al-Monitor in an emailed statement. „We will continue consulting closely with Congress, [which] has played a key role in building the sanctions regimewe have in place right now, about the comprehensive negotiations and the path forward.“

Lawmakers said Kerry told them the administration is weighing a variable mix of duration — possible „months“ — of sanctions relief and further „defanging“ of Iran’s nuclear program as it works out the details of a possible extension.

Supporting new sanctions would represent a sea change in administration policy. When 60 senators signed on to similar legislation in the Senate, the White House stopped just shy of accusing them of warmongering.

„If certain members of Congress want the United States to take military action, they should be up front with the American public and say so,“ National Security Council spokeswoman Bernadette Meehan said in a January statement. „Otherwise, it’s not clear why any member of Congress would support a bill that possibly closes the door on diplomacy and makes it more likely that the United States will have to choose between military options or allowing Iran’s nuclear program to proceed.“

Some lawmakers suggested that the change in tone is an indication that the administration believes that the negotiations are now far enough along that new sanctions wouldn’t doom them. Rather, triggered sanctions could help by proving to Iran that Congress is determined to pass new sanctions if talks fail, as Kerry and others have warned all along.

The House passed a new sanctions bill with a 400-20 vote in July, but it remains stalled in the Senate, where Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., has blocked Iran sanctions bills at the administration’s behest.

Source: Al-Monitor

Discovering Iran: from Caspian Sea to Persian Gulf

The recent diplomatic thaw and growing awareness of its attractions are set to make Iran a must-visit destination. Arron Merat takes a tour from Tehran to the Gulf

Rock formations on the island of Qeshm, IranView larger picture

Rock formations on the island of Qeshm. Click on the magnifying glass icon for a larger view of this image

‚Foreigners! Welcome to Tehran! You may also line up here,“ announces a smiling airport official dressed in a long, black chador who is pointing to a newly opened immigration booth. A throng of young Dutch, Polish and German travellers pick up their rucksacks and peel off from the back of our queue and rush towards the new one.

Queues for foreign passport holders at Imam Khomeini International airport have been conspicuously short for almost a decade, but 2014 is tipped to be the biggest year for western tourism in the Islamic Republic’s 35-year history. The populist and bombastic former president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad left office late last year and his replacement, Hassan Rouhani, has assumed a softer diplomatic style, lifting many barriers that kept tourists away.

The news, this week, that the British embassy is to reopen in Tehranshould see the Foreign and Commonwealth Office change its advice against all but essential travel to Iran. Most Europeans can pick up a two-week visa on arrival and Britons can now get a visa in London, since consular services resumed in spring after a two-year hiatus.

Although most travellers to Iran will opt for traditional destinations such as Isfahan’s stunning Naqsh-e Jahan Square and Shiraz’s ancient Persepolis ruins, a minority, including me, will choose less-trampled routes. New Iran Tours offers everything from fully escorted trips with guides to hotel bookings for those travelling on a shoestring. We used them to plan a trip from the lush pastures of the north-east over the vast central desert plateau to the sultry lowlands of the Persian Gulf.


Turkmen and the north-east

In Iran the car is king, and if you only have a week or two you can save a lot of time by renting one at the airport with an international driving licence. After picking up an Iranian-assembled Kia Pride and catching a few hours‘ sleep in Tehran we took the Old Mashhad Road north-east, past the snow-capped Damavand volcano – the Middle East’s highest peak – and into the verdant valleys of Mazandaran. The province was the birthplace of Iran’s great modernising king, Reza Shah, who showered millions on Mazandaran during the interwar period in the form of mechanised farms and German-engineered railways and tunnels. We pass Veresk bridge, where it is said that, in order to allay local fears that it could not support a train, Reza Shah ordered the chief engineer and his family to stand under the bridge as the first carriages passed, with the king himself riding as a passenger.

After a quick lunch of delicious heart and liver kebabs and a jug ofdoogh, a popular salted and minted yogurt drink, we continue to Gorgan (land of the wolves), the capital of the wild north-eastern province of Golestan, where we stop for the night. Gorgan is the perfect base for hiking trips to dozens of nearby virgin forests, such as Nahar Khoran on the fringes of the city, or the Golestan national park, a two-hour drive east, and home to leopards, wolves and goitered gazelles. Gorgan is also a short drive to the Miankaleh peninsula, a 50-mile stretch of protected sandy beach and forest, home to several species of migratory birds and the only truly unspoiled section of Iran’s Caspian Sea coast.

Phallic gravestones on the Turkmenistan border.Phallic gravestones on the Turkmenistan border. Photograph: Khalid NabiAround 80 miles north-east of Gorgan, along a highway flanked by men hawking watermelons or dangling questionably fresh fish off long rods, lies the farming town of Kalaleh, famed for horses, silk and saffron. From here you can rent a taxi for the day for about a million rials (£23) to take you up the long and winding roads to the Khalid Nabi cemetery, a necropolis of yonic and phallic stones. (The area has many rough roads and a taxi may be better than risking damage to your hire car.)

The tallest scarps of the hills that straddle Iran and Turkmenistan are studded with hundreds more gravestones carved into the shapes of male and female genitalia to mark the final resting place of the members of a Turkmen tribe that traversed the pastures perhaps some 400 years ago.

From these hills you can see for hundreds of miles north into the Turkmen desert and south into the floral valleys of Golestan. There is almost nothing in the way of restaurants or shops in this remote and rugged corner of Iran so be sure to take supplies if you wish to stay more than a few hours. For us this means local çörek flatbread and fresh unpasteurised goat’s yoghurt from Kalaleh. After our taxi breaks down (make sure yours is half decent) we are picked up by a man in a van, who after a long but unsuccessful effort to pay him for driving 100 miles in the opposite direction from his house, dropped us outside our hotel in Gorgan.

Desert plateau

We drive due south for a day (588 miles) to Tabas. It is perhaps Iran’s most remote city and where, in April 1980, the US’s Operation Eagle Claw reached its fiery end during a mission to free American hostages held in Tehran by the new revolutionary government. We are there on the 24th anniversary, and posters of Ayatollah Sadeq Khalkhaliinspecting the wreckage of a US helicopter adorn the streets.

Ali, a young man we meet in a tea shop, drives us to the crash site, long since cleared. We sit in the car gazing at the endless unchanging landscape as a flute version of George Michael’s Careless Whisper plays from his stereo. „Khomeini said Allah sent the sand to destroy the helicopters,“ said Ali. „Allah protects Iran. Sometimes.“

The tiny oasis town of Garmeh has grown popular with Iranian city types during their winter holidays, and the Ateshooni Guest House, nestled in groves of date and palm trees, is at its heart. The owner, a taciturn hippy named Maziyar, knows the region well and can help you get around to see the best of this desert, whether it be salt lakes, rolling sand dunes or nearby villages. Maziyar’s kitchen also serves fresh homemade khoreshtor ghayme stews with fluffy, fragrant rice.

Make the most of the food, as Iran does not have much of an eating-out culture; restaurants are largely limited to novelty food Iranians don’t get at home much – namely kebabs. Tehran and the north-western province of Gilan are exceptions. To save time, we head to Yazd for the day before catching an evening flight south. Yazd is an ancient desert city famous for its Towers of Silence, hills carved by Iran’s pre-Islamic Zoroastrian people to „bury“ their dead in the sky using vultures.

Gulf and islands

A 25-minute flight from Yazd takes us to the busy (and sweltering) port town of Bandar Abbas. We head to the beach, where families are paddling in the sea and young boys take tourists for horse and camel rides along the sand. From here we take a boat into the Strait of Hormuz, the geostrategic choke point for most of the world’s oil, to Qeshm.

Hengam islandHengam island.The island of Qeshm is divided into a large bone-dry section where you can visit colonial Portuguese navy fortifications, deep salt caves, Martian-like rock forms and a bizarre museum exhibiting conjoined twin goats. Then on the north end of the island, mangrove trees grow up from the sea. Local guides will take you on a boat around the strange sea forests and to visit a crocodile farm. The island’s bare, white rock relief is unmistakably eerie. While driving down one stretch of the island we encounter an enormous oil platform that had apparently blown in during a storm from the neighbouring UAE. Now it rests obliquely 200 metres off shore, a sad and dormant hulk repurposed as a giant birds‘ nest. Local fishermen will take you there for a small fee.

Full article

Lies den Rest dieses Beitrags

Five Ahwazi Arab shot dead and ten seriously wounded by the Iranian regime police security forces

According to Human Rights Activists News Agency (Harana) and reliable sources inside Qasem Island, the police …



According to Human Rights Activists News Agency (Harana) and reliable sources inside Qasem Island, the police had clashed with the indigenous Ahwazi Arab people living in the village “Kaweh” in Qeshm Island which resulted in death of five people and wounding ten others including women and children.

After the discovery of smuggled fuel in “Kaweh” village, five Ahwazi Arab men were killed and at least ten others were fatally injured during shooting by the police. In addition, a ship at the village beach was set ablaze by the police security forces. This ship had contained smuggled fuel owned by the local people.

The police forces also confiscated all the properties belonging to those local smugglers who have been killed and wounded. Qeshm Island is the largest Island in the Arabian Gulf and is located a few kilometers south coast opposite the port of the city of Jamberoon (Bandar Abbas).

The island has over 1,491 km2 area, 135 km length and 40 km width and has a population around 113,846 (2010). However, in recent years the Iranian authorities begun to change the demographic of the Island by bringing massive number of settlers from different part of Iran to the Island.

In images sent by eyewitnesses show residential places which the police claimed where used as locations for storing smuggled fuel were bulldozed completely.

The indigenous Ahwazi Arab people living in Qeshm Island are mostly relying on fuel smuggling due to the abject poverty and severe economic condition which they suffer from.

The names of those who were killed and injured in the incident are not known as yet and the Iranian police website has not reported the incident since the protest sparked by the local Arab people against the barbaric killing and oppressing carried out by the regime occupying forces.

The Ahwazi Defence for Human Rights organisation strongly condemned the death of 5 Ahwazi from Qeshm Island by regime forces and said occupying regime must be held accountable for its nameless crimes which perpetrated against Ahwazi Arab people.

Note: Due to the explicit details of human pain and suffering, the contents contained in this news are not recommended for anyone under the age of 18, and/or those suffering from emotional disorders.

EUGH| „Vorabentscheidungsersuchen – Genfer Abkommen vom 28. Juli 1951 über die Rechtsstellung der Flüchtlinge – Art. 31 – Drittstaatsangehöriger, der in einen Mitgliedstaat über einen anderen Mitgliedstaat eingereist ist – Inanspruchnahme von Schleuserdiensten – Unerlaubte Einreise und unerlaubter Aufenthalt – Vorlage eines gefälschten Passes – Strafrechtliche Sanktionen – Unzuständigkeit des Gerichtshofs“


17. Juli 2014(*)

„Vorabentscheidungsersuchen – Genfer Abkommen vom 28. Juli 1951 über die Rechtsstellung der Flüchtlinge – Art. 31 – Drittstaatsangehöriger, der in einen Mitgliedstaat über einen anderen Mitgliedstaat eingereist ist – Inanspruchnahme von Schleuserdiensten – Unerlaubte Einreise und unerlaubter Aufenthalt – Vorlage eines gefälschten Passes – Strafrechtliche Sanktionen – Unzuständigkeit des Gerichtshofs“

In der Rechtssache C‑481/13

betreffend ein Vorabentscheidungsersuchen nach Art. 267 AEUV, eingereicht vom Oberlandesgericht Bamberg (Deutschland) mit Entscheidung vom 29. August 2013, beim Gerichtshof eingegangen am 9. September 2013, in einem Strafverfahren gegen

Mohammad Ferooz Qurbani



unter Mitwirkung des Kammerpräsidenten L. Bay Larsen (Berichterstatter), der Richter M. Safjan und J. Malenovský sowie der Richterinnen A. Prechal und K. Jürimäe,

Generalanwältin: E. Sharpston,

Kanzler: A. Calot Escobar,

aufgrund des schriftlichen Verfahrens,

unter Berücksichtigung der Erklärungen

–        von Herrn Qurbani, vertreten durch Rechtsanwalt M. Koch,

–        der Staatsanwaltschaft Würzburg, vertreten durch D. Geuder, Leitender Oberstaatsanwalt,

–        der deutschen Regierung, vertreten durch T. Henze und A. Wiedmann als Bevollmächtigte,

–        der niederländischen Regierung, vertreten durch M. Bulterman und J. Langer als Bevollmächtigte,

–        der österreichischen Regierung, vertreten durch C. Pesendorfer als Bevollmächtigte,

–        der Europäischen Kommission, vertreten durch W. Bogensberger und M. Condou-Durande als Bevollmächtigte,

aufgrund des nach Anhörung der Generalanwältin ergangenen Beschlusses, ohne Schlussanträge über die Rechtssache zu entscheiden,



1        Das Vorabentscheidungsersuchen betrifft die Auslegung von Art. 31 des am 28. Juli 1951 in Genf unterzeichneten und am 22. April 1954 in Kraft getretenen Abkommens über die Rechtsstellung der Flüchtlinge (United Nations Treaty Series, Bd. 189, S. 150, Nr. 2545 [1954], im Folgenden: Genfer Flüchtlingskonvention), wie es durch das am 4. Oktober 1967 in Kraft getretene Protokoll vom 31. Januar 1967 über die Rechtsstellung der Flüchtlinge ergänzt wurde.

2        Es ergeht im Rahmen eines Strafverfahrens gegen Herrn Qurbani wegen Urkundenfälschung, unerlaubter Einreise, unerlaubten Aufenthalts und unerlaubten Aufenthalts ohne Pass.

 Rechtlicher Rahmen

 Internationales Recht

Genfer Flüchtlingskonvention

3        Art. 31 („Flüchtlinge, die sich nicht rechtmäßig im Aufnahmeland aufhalten“) der Genfer Flüchtlingskonvention lautet:

„1.      Die vertragschließenden Staaten werden wegen unrechtmäßiger Einreise oder Aufenthalts keine Strafen gegen Flüchtlinge verhängen, die unmittelbar aus einem Gebiet kommen, in dem ihr Leben oder ihre Freiheit im Sinne von Artikel 1 bedroht waren und die ohne Erlaubnis in das Gebiet der vertragschließenden Staaten einreisen oder sich dort aufhalten, vorausgesetzt, dass sie sich unverzüglich bei den Behörden melden und Gründe darlegen, die ihre unrechtmäßige Einreise oder ihren unrechtmäßigen Aufenthalt rechtfertigen.

2.      Die vertragschließenden Staaten werden den Flüchtlingen beim Wechsel des Aufenthaltsortes keine Beschränkungen auferlegen, außer denen, die notwendig sind; diese Beschränkungen werden jedoch nur so lange Anwendung finden, wie die Rechtsstellung dieser Flüchtlinge im Aufnahmeland geregelt oder es ihnen gelungen ist, in einem anderen Land Aufnahme zu erhalten. Die vertragschließenden Staaten werden diesen Flüchtlingen eine angemessene Frist sowie alle notwendigen Erleichterungen zur Aufnahme in einem anderen Land gewähren.“ Lies den Rest dieses Beitrags

EUGH| Inhaftnahme für die Zwecke der Abschiebung – Urteil


17. Juli 2014(*)

„Raum der Freiheit, der Sicherheit und des Rechts – Richtlinie 2008/115/EG – Gemeinsame Normen und Verfahren in den Mitgliedstaaten zur Rückführung illegal aufhältiger Drittstaatsangehöriger – Art. 16 Abs. 1 – Inhaftnahme für die Zwecke der Abschiebung – Inhaftierung in einer gewöhnlichen Haftanstalt – Möglichkeit, einen Drittstaatsangehörigen mit seiner Zustimmung gemeinsam mit gewöhnlichen Strafgefangenen unterzubringen“

In der Rechtssache C‑474/13

betreffend ein Vorabentscheidungsersuchen nach Art. 267 AEUV, eingereicht vom Bundesgerichtshof (Deutschland) mit Entscheidung vom 11. Juli 2013, beim Gerichtshof eingegangen am 3. September 2013, in dem Verfahren

Thi Ly Pham


Stadt Schweinfurt, Amt für Meldewesen und Statistik



unter Mitwirkung des Präsidenten V. Skouris, des Vizepräsidenten K. Lenaerts, des Kammerpräsidenten A. Tizzano, der Kammerpräsidentin R. Silva de Lapuerta, der Kammerpräsidenten T. von Danwitz, A. Borg Barthet und M. Safjan sowie der Richter A. Rosas, G. Arestis (Berichterstatter), J. Malenovský, D. Šváby, C. Vajda und S. Rodin,

Generalanwalt: Y. Bot,

Kanzler: K. Malacek, Verwaltungsrat,

aufgrund des schriftlichen Verfahrens und auf die mündliche Verhandlung vom 8. April 2014,

unter Berücksichtigung der Erklärungen

–        von Frau Pham, vertreten durch Rechtsanwalt M. Sack,

–        der Stadt Schweinfurt, Amt für Meldewesen und Statistik, vertreten durch J. von Lackum als Bevollmächtigten,

–        der deutschen Regierung, vertreten durch T. Henze als Bevollmächtigten,

–        der niederländischen Regierung, vertreten durch M. de Ree, M. Bulterman und H. Stergiou als Bevollmächtigte,

–        der Europäischen Kommission, vertreten durch G. Wils und M. Condou‑Durande als Bevollmächtigte,

nach Anhörung der Schlussanträge des Generalanwalts in der Sitzung vom 30. April 2014



1        Das Vorabentscheidungsersuchen betrifft die Auslegung von Art. 16 Abs. 1 der Richtlinie 2008/115/EG des Europäischen Parlaments und des Rates vom 16. Dezember 2008 über gemeinsame Normen und Verfahren in den Mitgliedstaaten zur Rückführung illegal aufhältiger Drittstaatsangehöriger (ABl. L 348, S. 98).

2        Dieses Ersuchen ergeht im Rahmen eines Rechtsstreits zwischen Frau Pham und der Stadt Schweinfurt, Amt für Meldewesen und Statistik, über die Rechtmäßigkeit der gegen sie angeordneten Abschiebungshaft.

 Rechtlicher Rahmen


3        Der 17. Erwägungsgrund der Richtlinie 2008/115 lautet:

„In Haft genommene Drittstaatsangehörige sollten eine menschenwürdige Behandlung unter Beachtung ihrer Grundrechte und im Einklang mit dem Völkerrecht und dem innerstaatlichen Recht erfahren. Unbeschadet des ursprünglichen Aufgriffs durch Strafverfolgungsbehörden, für den einzelstaatliche Rechtsvorschriften gelten, sollte die Inhaftierung grundsätzlich in speziellen Hafteinrichtungen erfolgen.“

4        Art. 1 („Gegenstand“) der Richtlinie sieht vor:

„Diese Richtlinie enthält gemeinsame Normen und Verfahren, die in den Mitgliedstaaten bei der Rückführung illegal aufhältiger Drittstaatsangehöriger im Einklang mit den Grundrechten als allgemeinen Grundsätzen des Gemeinschafts- und des Völkerrechts, einschließlich der Verpflichtung zum Schutz von Flüchtlingen und zur Achtung der Menschenrechte, anzuwenden sind.“

5        Art. 15 („Inhaftnahme“) der Richtlinie bestimmt:

„(1)      Sofern in dem konkreten Fall keine anderen ausreichenden, jedoch weniger intensiven Zwangsmaßnahmen wirksam angewandt werden können, dürfen die Mitgliedstaaten Drittstaatsangehörige, gegen die ein Rückkehrverfahren anhängig ist, nur in Haft nehmen, um deren Rückkehr vorzubereiten und/oder die Abschiebung durchzuführen, und zwar insbesondere dann, wenn

a)      Fluchtgefahr besteht oder

b)      die betreffenden Drittstaatsangehörigen die Vorbereitung der Rückkehr oder das Abschiebungsverfahren umgehen oder behindern.

Die Haftdauer hat so kurz wie möglich zu sein und sich nur auf die Dauer der laufenden Abschiebungsvorkehrungen [zu] erstrecken, solange diese mit der gebotenen Sorgfalt durchgeführt werden.

(5)      Die Haft wird so lange aufrechterhalten, wie die in Absatz 1 dargelegten Umstände gegeben sind und wie dies erforderlich ist, um den erfolgreichen Vollzug der Abschiebung zu gewährleisten. Jeder Mitgliedstaat legt eine Höchsthaftdauer fest, die sechs Monate nicht überschreiten darf.

(6)      Die Mitgliedstaaten dürfen den in Absatz 5 genannten Zeitraum nicht verlängern; lediglich in den Fällen, in denen die Abschiebungsmaßnahme trotz ihrer angemessenen Bemühungen aufgrund der nachstehend genannten Faktoren wahrscheinlich länger dauern wird, dürfen sie diesen Zeitraum im Einklang mit dem einzelstaatlichen Recht um höchstens zwölf Monate verlängern:

a)      mangelnde Kooperationsbereitschaft seitens der betroffenen Drittstaatsangehörigen oder

b)      Verzögerungen bei der Übermittlung der erforderlichen Unterlagen durch Drittstaaten.“

6        Art. 16 („Haftbedingungen“) Abs. 1 der Richtlinie 2008/115 lautet:

„Die Inhaftierung erfolgt grundsätzlich in speziellen Hafteinrichtungen. Sind in einem Mitgliedstaat solche speziellen Hafteinrichtungen nicht vorhanden und muss die Unterbringung in gewöhnlichen Haftanstalten erfolgen, so werden in Haft genommene Drittstaatsangehörige gesondert von den gewöhnlichen Strafgefangenen untergebracht.“

 Deutsches Recht

7        § 62a Abs. 1 des Gesetzes über den Aufenthalt, die Erwerbstätigkeit und die Integration von Ausländern im Bundesgebiet (Aufenthaltsgesetz) vom 30. Juli 2004 (BGBl. 2004 I S. 1950) in geänderter Fassung (BGBl. 2011 I S. 2258) (im Folgenden: AufenthG), mit dem Art. 16 Abs. 1 der Richtlinie 2008/115 umgesetzt wurde, sieht vor:

„Die Abschiebungshaft wird grundsätzlich in speziellen Hafteinrichtungen vollzogen. Sind spezielle Hafteinrichtungen im Land nicht vorhanden, kann sie in diesem Land in sonstigen Haftanstalten vollzogen werden; die Abschiebungsgefangenen sind in diesem Fall getrennt von Strafgefangenen unterzubringen …“ Lies den Rest dieses Beitrags

Queen Rania at a press conference on Gaza – Stop the war against humans!

Queen Rania makes an urgent plea on behalf of all the civilians living in Gaza for a „humanitarian ceasefire“ and for the international community to do all it can to help alleviate the suffering.

This video ist from 2009, but it is the true about the situation today in Gaza. Stop the war against humans!

“All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights”… Article 1, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

“Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person”… Article 3, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.

Over the past 41 years, the people of Gaza have been living under occupation. Over the past 18 months, they have been living under siege. And for the past 10 days, the people of Gaza have been subject to a cruel and continuous military attack.

Either the declaration is not so universal, or the people of Gaza are not human beings, worthy of the same “universal” rights. This is the message the world is sending out today.

Extent of the crisis
Today, I am here with representative members of the UN family, to share with you the extent of the humanitarian crisis that is Gaza.

But not only is there a humanitarian crisis in Gaza – there is a crisis in our global humanity. Nelson Mandela once said that “our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians.” Today, I tell you, our humanity is incomplete without theirs. It is incomplete. It is not universal.

This is the message I am sending world leaders: Our humanity is incomplete when children, irrespective of nationality, are victims of military operations.

More than 70 dead children. Close to 600 injured. What does the world tell to their mothers? To the Palestinian mother who lost five daughters in one day? To the mothers watching their children cry in pain, huddle in fear, and deal with more trauma than any of us will experience in an entire lifetime?

That they are collateral damage?
That their lives don’t matter?
That their deaths don’t count?
That the children of Gaza do not have “the right to life, liberty and security”?

What do we tell them?!

Push for a ceasefire
It is imperative that every nation acts to end the fighting and open all crossings, especially Karni, to permit the uninterrupted passage of wheat, fuel, medicine and other vital supplies.

At the very least, we must push for a ceasefire, a humanitarian ceasefire, a ceasefire for children, to help the wounded, to look for those buried under the rubble, to tend to the sick and elderly trapped in their homes, and to bring in vital medical supplies, equipment and staff.

At the very least, governments should, governments must, contribute to UNRWA’s emergency appeal for $34 million to meet the immediate needs of Gaza’s innocent civilians.

The children of Gaza, the dead and the barely living … their mothers … their fathers … are not acceptable collateral damage; their lives do matter, their loss does count. They are not divisible from our universal humanity. No child is, no civilian is.


„Five Myths about Iran’s Nuclear Program“

Op-Ed, Boston Globe

Author: Ariane Tabatabai, Stanton Nuclear Security Predoctoral Fellow, International Security Program/Project on Managing the Atom

Belfer Center Programs or ProjectsInternational SecurityManaging the AtomScience, Technology, and Public Policy


As the July 20 deadline approaches for a final agreement between the West and Iran over Iran’s nuclear program, it is vitally important to understand both sides‘ positions. Here are five myths about Iran’s nuclear program.

Myth 1: Iran’s supreme leader will block a favorable deal.

The general view in the West is that Iran’s supreme leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, is the hard-liners‘ flag bearer and an obstacle to the conclusion of a deal. This could not be further from the truth. In many ways, Khamenei has been a moderating agent in the polarization of the domestic debate around the nuclear issue. He has reiterated a number of times that he fully supports the negotiating team, while reminding everyone that they should keep their expectations low. This is certainly due to the deep distrust between Iran and the United States. But it is also informed by the opposition of US hard-liners to any diplomatic solution to the Iranian nuclear issue. By inviting the hard-liners to tone down their criticism of Iranian President Hassan Rouhani and Foreign Minister Mohammed Javad Zarif, Khamenei is paving the way for Zarif’s team to effectively pursue a deal and receive sanctions relief, while hedging for failure.

Myth 2: The fatwa against nuclear weapons is bogus

Tehran says that the „production, stockpiling, and use“ of nuclear weapons are prohibited by Islamic law and that the highest authority in the country, the supreme leader, has issued a fatwa, or religious decree, to this effect. Many in the West question the validity and utility of such a decree. But the decree can serve a key purpose in the talks. Discourse doesn’t replace compliance, and trust can’t be built without verification, but the fatwa can be an additional confidence-building measure. The decree and its reiteration by various Iranian religious authorities and policymakers have made it extremely difficult for Iran to overturn its position. Stating time and time again over the course of more than a decade that something is prohibited, then violating that prohibition, would come at great political cost, delegitimizing the regime entirely from within.

Myth 3: Iran just wants to defy the international community.

Iranian concerns are often dismissed as mere manifestations of the country’s lack of commitment to its international obligations. Ali Asghar Soltanieh, the former Iranian ambassador to the International Atomic Energy Agency, recently told me that Tehran could have withdrawn from the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty following the 1979 Islamic Revolution. This, he argued, would have been understandable and natural, given the change in regime. At that point, many countries had not even joined the treaty. But Iran chose to stay. Later, Soltanieh said, Tehran signaled its willingness to cooperate with the agency in the context of the technical cooperation program. Iran is not just trying to defy the international community; it has legitimate concerns, which must be addressed, or at least recognized and understood.

Myth 4: Iran doesn’t even need nuclear energy.

Western hard-liners certainly did not see eye to eye with Iranian revolutionaries in the 1970s and ’80s, but both groups then questioned the utility of a nuclear program in an „energy superpower.“ While Iranian revolutionaries now think a nuclear energy program is needed, Western critics continue to argue that it is not. After all, Iran holds the world’s fourth-largest oil reserves and second-largest gas reserves. Tehran, then, they argue, must not have any legitimate needs for a nuclear energy program. Therefore, the only reason for Iran’s nuclear program must lay in its military ambitions. But, as other energy superpowers (including some of Iran’s neighbors) are showing, abundant oil and gas reserves are no reason for a country not to pursue other energy sources. Diversification, after all, is something all countries seek. But Tehran has other plans that go beyond nuclear power; arguments for the production of radioisotopes for medical purposes have been presented a number of times. One area that is not discussed as much is desalination, an energy-intensive process that Iran will have to consider more seriously as it deals with growing water scarcity. As noted by Soltanieh, Iran already has plans to this effect, including a contract with Japan for a desalination facility next to its Bushehr nuclear power plant.

Myth 5: Other states in the region are threatened by Iran’s program.

While this is true, it’s not necessarily due to the reasons US officials often present. Many states in the region, especially those that have been vocal in their criticism of Iran’s nuclear program, feel threatened not by the prospects of a nuclear Iran, but by Iranian-Western rapprochement. Political and economic isolation have helped states like Saudi Arabia, who fear losing their military, economic, and political ties and privileges with the United States. After all, Tehran and Washington did have close relations prior to 1979 and, given that the two countries have a lot in common, they could develop ties again.

Ariane Tabatabai is a fellow at the Harvard Kennedy School’s Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs.

%d Bloggern gefällt das: