Archiv für den Tag 27. Oktober 2014
UK Home Office| Informationen und Richtlinien zur Schutzgewährung für britische Asylbehörden zu JournalistInnen und BloggerInnen
Das Wetter hatten sie auf ihrer Seite. Strahlender Sonnenschein begrüßte die rund 80 engagierten Läufer, die sich am Sonntag am Beueler Rheinufer zum „Lauf für die Menschenrechte“ versammelten. Mit dem von Amnesty International (AI) organisierten Lauf, der bereits zum 16. Mal in Bonn stattfand, wollten die Teilnehmer ein Zeichen setzen.
Rund 80 Läufer nahmen am Friedenslauf teil. Foto: Max Malsch
Sie joggten für die Rechte von Journalisten im Iran. Um den Körper trugen sie Schilder mit der Aufschrift „Freiheit für Abedini Nasr“. Der iranische Journalist wurde 2010 im Zuge einer Verhaftungswelle gegen Menschenrechtsaktivisten im Iran verhaftet und befindet sich seitdem in Gefangenschaft, wo er Berichten zufolge auch misshandelt wurde.
In Briefen an den iranischen Botschafter appelliert AI regelmäßig für die Freilassung des Journalisten. Durch den „Lauf für die Menschenrechte“ sollte die Öffentlichkeit für das Thema sensibilisiert werden. „Solche Aktionen sind für uns enorm wichtig. Denn die Öffentlichkeit ist unsere wichtigste Waffe“, erklärte Jamil Balga, der Gruppensprecher der AI-Bezirksgruppe Bonn-Mitte. „Und in 30 bis 40 Prozent der Fälle führen unsere Protestaktionen auch zum Erfolg.“
Hardliner mobilisieren um Besetzungen in Parlament und Expertenrat.
Im Iran geht ein tiefer Riss durch die Führungsriege. Nach dem Tod des einflussreichen Expertenratchefs Ayatollah Mohammad Reza Mahdavi-Kani in der vergangenen Woche beginnen die Hardliner hinter den Kulissen für zwei wichtige Wahlen 2015 zu mobilisieren: Das Parlament und der Expertenrat müssen neu besetzt werden.
Im Expertenrat, jenem 86-köpfigen Gremium aus Geistlichen, das die Arbeit des Obersten Geistlichen Führers Ayatollah Seyed Ali Khamenei beurteilen, und ihn (ab-)wählen können, brodelt es hinter den Kulissen der Führung gewaltig. Schon im vergangenen Monat wurde die Wahl eines Nachfolgers für Mahdavi-Kani, der seit Juni im Koma lag, überraschend verschoben.
Furcht vor moderatem Kandidaten
„Es war so, dass sich die Hardliner im Expertenrat davor gefürchtet haben, dass ein moderater Kandidat als Nachfolger bestimmt wird und somit ihre eigene Macht beschneidet und den Einfluss des als moderat geltenden Präsidenten Hassan Rohani forciert hätte. Daher wurde diese Variante eines Interimschefs gewählt“, analysiert ein Teheraner Politologe.
NACH DEM SINNLOSEN TOD DER IRANERIN REYHANEH JABBARI RUFT BILD AUF:
Stellen Sie den Iran zur Rede!
Sie kämpfte fast sieben Jahre gegen dieses Urteil an: Reyhaneh Jabbari im Dezember 2008 vor Gericht in Teheran. Der Vorwurf: Mord. Sie sagt: Es war Notwehr. Der Mann wollte sie vergewaltigen
Rufen Sie bei einer der iranischen Vertretungen in Deutschland an, lassen sich das Unfassbare erklären! Machen Sie Ihrem Ärger Luft über diesen sinnlosen Tod!
Hier die Kontakt-Daten:
Iranische Botschaft in BERLIN: 030-84353399 oder 030-84353135 oder 030-84353145
Iranisches Generalkonsulat in FRANKFURT AM MAIN: 069-56000734
Iranisches Generalkonsulat in HAMBURG: 040-5144060
Iranisches Generalkonsulat in MÜNCHEN: 089-45239690
Hintergrund: So geriet Jabbari in die Mühlen der iranischen Justiz
Mit gerade mal 19 Jahren traf die junge Innenarchitektin auf den Mann, der ihr Leben – auf grausame Weise – für immer verändern sollte. Der Arzt und laut „New York Times“ Geheimdienstler Morteza Abdolali Sarbandi (47) bittet sie, seine Praxis einzurichten.
Ihre Darstellung: Eine abscheuliche Falle!
Reyhaneh Jabbari, the Iranian woman who was hanged today by the Iranian regime’s henchman after 7 years imprisonment had released her will in a voice message.
In a heart-rending message to her family in April – beginning with her mother Sholeh – 26-year-old Reyhaneh Jabbari tells how she trusted the law, but has faced death for the crime of defending herself against an agent of Iranian regime’s intelligence who tried to abuse her.
English translation of Reyhaneh Jabbari’s will (provided by National Council of Resistance of Iran – NCRI)
Dear Sholeh, today I learned that it is now my turn to face Qisas (the Iranian regime’s law of retribution). I am hurt as to why you did not let me know yourself that I have reached the last page of the book of my life. Don’t you think that I should know? You know how ashamed I am that you are sad. Why did you not take the chance for me to kiss your hand and that of dad?
The world allowed me to live for 19 years. That ominous night it was I that should have been killed. My body would have been thrown in some corner of the city, and after a few days, the police would have taken you to the coroner’s office to identify my body and there you would also learn that I had been raped as well. The murderer would have never been found since we don’t have their wealth and their power. Then you would have continued your life suffering and ashamed, and a few years later you would have died of this suffering and that would have been that.
However, with that cursed blow the story changed. My body was not thrown aside, but into the grave of Evin Prison and its solitary wards, and now the grave-like prison of Shahr-e Ray. But give in to the fate and don’t complain. You know better that death is not the end of life.
You taught me that one comes to this world to gain an experience and learn a lesson and with each birth a responsibility is put on one’s shoulder. I learned that sometimes one has to fight. I do remember when you told me that the carriage man protested the man who was flogging me, but the flogger hit the lash on his head and face that ultimately led to his death. You told me that for creating a value one should persevere even if one dies.
You taught us that as we go to school one should be a lady in face of the quarrels and complaints. Do you remember how much you underlined the way we behave? Your experience was incorrect. When this incident happened, my teachings did not help me. Being presented in court made me appear as a cold-blooded murderer and a ruthless criminal. I shed no tears. I did not beg. I did not cry my head off since I trusted the law.
But I was charged with being indifferent in face of a crime. You see, I didn’t even kill the mosquitoes and I threw away the cockroaches by taking them by their antennas. Now I have become a premeditated murderer. My treatment of the animals was interpreted as being inclined to be a boy and the judge didn’t even trouble himself to look at the fact that at the time of the incident I had long and polished nails.
How optimistic was he who expected justice from the judges! He never questioned the fact that my hands are not coarse like those of a sportswoman, especially a boxer. And this country that you planted its love in me never wanted me and no one supported me when under the blows of the interrogator I was crying out and I was hearing the most vulgar terms. When I shed the last sign of beauty from myself by shaving my hair I was rewarded: 11 days in solitary.
Dear Sholeh, don’t cry for what you are hearing. On the first day that in the police office an old unmarried agent hurt me for my nails I understood that beauty is not looked for in this era. The beauty of looks, beauty of thoughts and wishes, a beautiful handwriting, beauty of the eyes and vision, and even beauty of a nice voice.
My dear mother, my ideology has changed and you are not responsible for it. My words are unending and I gave it all to someone so that when I am executed without your presence and knowledge, it would be given to you. I left you much handwritten material as my heritage.
However, before my death I want something from you, that you have to provide for me with all your might and in any way that you can. In fact this is the only thing I want from this world, this country and you. I know you need time for this. Therefore, I am telling you part of my will sooner. Please don’t cry and listen. I want you to go to the court and tell them my request. I cannot write such a letter from inside the prison that would be approved by the head of prison; so once again you have to suffer because of me. It is the only thing that if even you beg for it I would not become upset although I have told you many times not to beg to save me from being executed.
My kind mother, dear Sholeh, the one more dear to me than my life, I don’t want to rot under the soil. I don’t want my eye or my young heart to turn into dust. Beg so that it is arranged that as soon as I am hanged my heart, kidney, eye, bones and anything that can be transplanted be taken away from my body and given to someone who needs them as a gift. I don’t want the recipient know my name, buy me a bouquet, or even pray for me. I am telling you from the bottom of my heart that I don’t want to have a grave for you to come and mourn there and suffer. I don’t want you to wear black clothing for me. Do your best to forget my difficult days. Give me to the wind to take away.
The world did not love us. It did not want my fate. And now I am giving in to it and embrace the death. Because in the court of God I will charge the inspectors, I will charge inspector Shamlou, I will charge judge, and the judges of country’s Supreme Court that beat me up when I was awake and did not refrain from harassing me. In the court of the creator I will charge Dr. Farvandi, I will charge Qassem Shabani and all those that out of ignorance or with their lies wronged me and trampled on my rights and didn’t pay heed to the fact that sometimes what appears as reality is different from it.
Dear soft-hearted Sholeh, in the other world it is you and me who are the accusers and others who are the accused. Let’s see what God wants. I wanted to embrace you until I die. I love you.
April 1, 2014
Protests erupted in Esfahan and the capital Tehran over the attacks, which left a number of young women disfigured. Some at these protests blamed the authorities for not protecting women from violence and supporting legislation that offers legal protection to vigilante „vice groups“ engaged in the Islamic teaching of “enjoining good and forbidding wrong.”
These vice groups, often organized around Ansar-e Hezbollah, have threatened that if the administration does not take action to enforce hijab laws, they will take to the streets and enforce it themselves, despite hijab-law enforcement falling under the jurisdiction of the police and not the administration. Iranian authorities have claimed that Ansar-e Hezbollah or other vice groups were not involved in the attacks, and a number of officials have suggested the violence was the work of “anti-social” individuals.
During an Oct. 22 trip to Zanjani, Rouhani condemned those who believe that “enjoining good and forbidding wrong” is their duty alone, and use the teaching as a partisan tool. He said it should be used to “bring society closer together [rather than] to create separation and divisions,” and asked parliament to consider wording the law in a manner that would “create more unity in society.”
Parliament member Laleh Eftekhari criticized Rouhani for his comments. “I did not expect this from a president who studied in the seminary,” she said, adding that “enjoining good and forbidding wrong” is not just about hijab and modesty laws, but relates to all aspects of governance.
Hard-line cleric Ayatollah Ahmad Khatami called for the attackers to be punished both for injuring the victims and causing “damage to the dignity of the Islamic system.” He called, however, for media outlets that blamed vice groups for the attacks to be punished as well. He said, “These websites and newspapers that have accused the Islamic system and the religious forces must be pursued. The owners and managers must be punished and held accountable for their lies.”
Khatami dismissed criticism of the bill, saying that it “makes clear the framework” in which these groups will operate.
The Ansar-e Hezbollah website Yalarasat alHussein claimed that the protests in response to the acid attacks “proved that the protesters do not have concerns for society, but rather seek to challenge Islamic laws and constitutional laws.” The article stated that some of the chants and posters in front of the parliament building in Tehran questioned Iran’s hijab laws and the proposed law to protect vice groups. It condemned any connection between the violence and these laws, and quoted officials as equating connecting the two with “inciting public opinion.”
In recent months, an increasing wave of worker strikes in Iran has challenged President Hassan Rouhani and his administration. Workers have gone on strike for several reasons, mostly due to the failure to pay back-payments, at the Haft-Tappe sugar factory, Bandar Imam Petrochemicals, Gilana tile factory and the Assaluyeh natural gas company. The miners‘ strike at Bafgh in central Iran, however, appears to be a special case.
At Bafgh, 5,000 workers have gone on strike twice. Several workers have been arrested, and the presence of the police indicates that these strikes have become a serious issue, only resolved with the government’s retreat. Yet, these strikes also reveal workers‘ fears over privatization.
The miners initiated the strike on May 17 in opposition to the transfer of 28% of the mine’s shares to the private sector. This transfer followed the decision of Iran’s minister of industry, mines and trade, Mohammadreza Nematzadeh, to gradually transfer the control of the mines to private entities. Since 2000, more than 70% of this mine’s shares had been sold to private investors, so the announcement regarding the remaining 28% angered the workers. The strike lasted until June 24 and only ended after issuing the government a two-month ultimatum to reconsider its position.
However, toward the end of August, just before the end of the ultimatum period, arrest warrants were issued for 18 workers, with some being taken into custody. On Aug. 19, the miners staged a second striketo protest the arrest of two of their comrades, Ali Sabri and Amirhossein Kargaran.
Intelligence officers had planned to arrest six more people, including the head of the Bafgh city council, but they were unsuccessful. The next day, police special forces came to the mine and the situation became more dire. With the continuation of the strike, the special forces left the mine, but a few days later, five people — including Hossein Tashakkori, the head of the city council — were arrested. The protests continued, and the families of those arrested staged a mass sit-in in front of the Bafgh district administrative offices.
Finally, on Aug. 31, a political-intelligence mission representing the government entered Bafgh to negotiate with the workers. Three days later, after the release of the arrested workers and the cancelation of theprivate-sector transfer, the strike ended. The strike enjoyed the full support of the people and the local government officials, including the city council and even the Friday imam — support that was crucial for its success.
But, the question remains, why were the workers opposed to the privatization of the mine?
Privatization is not new in Iran. The history of privatization goes back to the administration of Ayatollah Hashemi Rafsanjani and has been a part of every administration since. Even the administration of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, which claimed to operate according to a doctrine of “social justice,” was no exception.
Davoud Razavi, a member of the governing council of the Municipal Transportation Company Workers, told Al-Monitor that privatization in Iran is more like “nepotization.” He said, “Privatization decreases the government’s costs and forces them onto the workers. Iranian workers generally have a bad memory of privatization. In many cases, after the privatization of factories, the new owner has sold it and cuts the plants into smaller ones, using the land to build residential units. [This] has generally led to closure and the loss of jobs for workers. In addition, job security has basically disappeared in the private sector. Today, the workers don’t even have long-term contracts.”
He called the Bafgh strikes “unprecedented” because most strikes in recent years have protested back-payments and late wages, while this one was aimed at stopping privatization.
In an interview with Al-Monitor, Hamid Haj-Esmaili, an analyst of labor issues, argued that privatization, in essence, shouldn’t be opposed to workers’ demands. “In developed countries, workers unions are strong, and the private sector is also very present,” he said. “But what has happened here is that we have so far failed to explain our privatization methods.”
The government has no way out, according to Haj-Esmaili, due to international sanctions on its nuclear program. Iran is going through “post-embargo economic restructuring.” He said, “The government has tried to stabilize the labor market. It is expected that in the next year the labor market will be reinvigorated.” He believes that the workers should refrain from politicizing their cause and act within unionization. “We are expecting that in the reform of the labor law, labor collectives are replaced by labor unions. The government has also accepted this path.”
This argument has been rejected by a number of labor rights activists. Razavi said, “These arguments are set up to distract attention from the main issue. The government has high expenditures, which it can cut down by itself without forcing it on the workers. All this economic corruption cannot be controlled because there are no watchdogs.”
In addition to the corruption and the decline in workers‘ rights under the previous administration, factory workers face many other challenges. Iran imports a great deal from China, which has led to economic prosperity for only certain people. All the while, despite promises to do so, the government does not support domestic production, leading to the impoverishment of the workers.
According to Ayatollah Ahmad Khatami, a member of the Assembly of Experts and on its board of directors, other possibilities include Ayatollah Mohammad Yazdi, the former head of the judiciary and second deputy chairman of the Assembly; Ayatollah Ahmad Jannati, chairman of the Guardian Council; and Ayatollah Ali Movahedi-Kermani, Tehran’s temporary Friday prayer leader.
Many Iranian and foreign-based Persian-language websites reported “Shahroudi as candidate for Assembly of Experts,” suggesting they consider him the most likely to take over the position after the death of late chairman Ayatollah Mohammad Reza Mahdavi Kani Oct. 21.
On the likelihood of Ayatollah Hashemi Rafsanjani retaking the position he held from 2007 to 2011, Ahmad Khatami said, “From what I have heard, in some of the meetings, Mr. Rafsanjani has said that he has no desire for the chairmanship.” He said Rafsanjani could change his mind but at the moment, he is not being discussed for the chairmanship in the meetings.
Ahmad Khatami also dismissed his own candidacy, saying, “Foreign [news] networks have presented my name,” but he called the reports “malicious” and rejected some foreign media outlets‘ portrayal of him as “quickly climbing the stairs of promotion.”
Ahmad Khatami described the Assembly of Experts as “reinforcing the supreme leader” and said the assembly will continued to be the “base of velayat-e faqih,” or guardianship of the jurist, Iran’s system of governance.
Since 2012, Ayatollah Shahroudi has appeared in the Western media as Iran’s favored potential candidate to take over Ayatollah Ali Sistani’s role as the marja of Iraq. While this speculation ignores the complex and unofficial process by which marja are elevated and promoted in Najaf, it does shed some light on Iraqi-born Shahroudi’s growing clout in Iran.
Shahroudi is also one of the top figures mentioned as a possible successor to Ayatollah Khamenei. The 66-year-old marja has strong religious credentials and is the deputy chairman of the Assembly of Experts. After Mahdavi Kani fell into a coma in June, he became the interim chairman. He was also the former head of the judiciary, serving from 1999 to 2009.
Within the Islamic Republic, Shahroudi could be considered a conservative figure but not a hard-liner like Ayatollah Mohammad Taghi Mesbah Yazdi or Ahmad Khatami. Neither is he overly close to Reformists the way Ayatollah Rafsanjani or Hassan Khomeini are. This neutrality makes him a candidate with which many of the power centers within the Islamic Republic could possibly work.
Ahmad Khatami explained that the next chairman must have a “stronger jurisprudence reputation than a political reputation” and described Shahroudi as “accepted by everyone.” He added that in a recent meeting, Shahroudi gave a speech about velayat-e faqih that “received considerable attention.”
The chairman will be elected the next time the assembly meets, which, according to Ahmad Khatami, will be in Iranian month of Esfand, which lasts from Feb. 20 to March 20, 2015.