Archiv der Kategorie: Iran Hassan Rouhani

UN| Situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran

Promotion and protection of human rights: human rights situations and reports of special rapporteurs and representatives

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Situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran

The General Assembly, Guided by the Charter of the United Nations, as well as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,1 the International Covenants on Human Rights 2 and other international human rights instruments,

Recalling its previous resolutions on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran, the most recent of which is resolution 69/190 of 18 December 2014,

1. Takes note of the report of the Secretary-General of 31 August 2015 submitted pursuant to resolution 69/1903 and the report of the Special Rapporteur of the Human Rights Council of 6 October 2015, 4 submitted pursuant to Council resolution 28/21 of 27 March 2015,5 both on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran;

2. Continues to welcome the pledges made by the President of the Islamic Republic of Iran with regard to some important human rights issues, particularly on eliminating discrimination against women and members of ethnic minorities, and on greater space for freedom of expression and opinion;

3. Acknowledges proposals for legislative and administrative changes in the Islamic Republic of Iran, which, if properly implemented, would address some human rights concerns, including portions of the new Code of Criminal Procedure;

4. Welcomes recent announcements by the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran of increased services for victims of domestic violence, as well as draft legislation that may increase penalties for perpetrators of violence against women;

5. Also welcomes steps taken to improve access to education for persons belonging to some ethnic minorities in their native languages;

6. Acknowledges the participation of the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran in its second universal periodic review, and welcomes its acceptance of 130 recommendations, as well as its recent engagement with human rights treaty bodies through the submission of periodic national reports, while remaining concerned about the Government’s implementation record in respect of the recommendations that it accepted during its first universal periodic review;

7. Expresses serious concern at the alarming high frequency of and increase in the carrying-out of the death penalty, in disregard of internationally recognized safeguards, including executions undertaken without notification to the prisoner’s family members or legal counsel, and at the continuing imposition and carrying -out of the death penalty against minors and persons who at the time of their offence were under the age of 18, in violation of the obligations of the Islamic Republic of Iran under both the Convention on the Rights of the Child6 and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 2 and for crimes that do not qualify as the most serious crimes, and calls upon the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran to abolish, in law and in practice, public executions, which are contrary to the 2008 prohibition of this practice by the former head of the judiciary, and executions carried out in violation of its international obligations or in the absence of respect for internationally recognized safeguards;

8. Calls upon the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran to ensure, in law and in practice, that no one is subjected to torture or other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, which may include sexual violence, in conformity with the constitutional guarantees of the Islamic Republic of Iran and international obligations;

9. Urges the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran to uphold, in law and in practice, procedural guarantees to ensure fair trial standards of law, including timely access to legal representation of one’s choice, the right not to be subjected to torture, cruel and inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment and consideration of bail and other reasonable terms for release from custody pending trial, and urges the Government to cease enforced disappearances and the widespread and systematic use of arbitrary detention;

10. Calls upon the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran to address the poor conditions of prisons, to eliminate the denial of access to adequate medical treatment and the consequent risk of death faced by prisoners and to put an end to the continued and sustained house arrest of leading opposition figures from the 2009 presidential elections despite serious concerns about their health, as well as the pressure exerted upon their relatives and dependants, including through arrest;

11. Also calls upon the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran, including the judicial and security branches, to end widespread and serious restrictions, in law and in practice, on the right to freedom of expression, opinion, association and peaceful assembly, including through the ongoing harassment, intimidation, arbitrary detention and prosecution of, as well as the denial of access to higher education for, political opponents, human rights defenders, women’s and minority rights activists, labour leaders, students’ rights activists, academics, filmmakers, journalists, bloggers, social media users, religious leaders, artists, lawyers, recognized and unrecognized religious minorities and their families, and urges the Government to release persons arbitrarily detained for the legitimate exercise of these rights, to consider rescinding unduly harsh sentences, including the death penalty and long-term exile, for exercising such fundamental freedoms and to end reprisals against individuals cooperating with the United Nations human rights mechanisms;

12. Strongly urges the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran to eliminate, in law and in practice, all forms of discrimination and other human rights violations against women and girls, to take measures to ensure protection for women and girls against violence, to address the alarming incidence of child, early and forced marriage, to promote women’s participation in decision-making processes and, while recognizing the high enrolment of women in all levels of education in the Islamic Republic of Iran, to lift restrictions on women’s equal access to all aspects of education and women’s equal participation in the labour market and in all aspects of economic, cultural, social and political life;

13. Calls upon the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran to eliminate, in law and in practice, all forms of discrimination and other human rights violations against persons belonging to ethnic, linguistic or other minorities, including but not limited to Arabs, Azeris, Balochis and Kurds and their defenders;

14. Expresses serious concern about ongoing severe limitations and restrictions on the right to freedom of thought, conscience, religion or beli ef and restrictions on the establishment of places of worship, as well as attacks against places of worship and burial, as well as other human rights violations, including but not limited to harassment, persecution and incitement to hatred that lead to vio lence against persons belonging to recognized and unrecognized religious minorities, including Christians, Jews, Sufi Muslims, Sunni Muslims, Zoroastrians and members of the Baha’i faith and their defenders, and calls on the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran to release the seven Baha’i leaders declared by the Working Group on Arbitrary Detention to have been arbitrarily detained since 2008, and to eliminate, in law and in practice, all forms of discrimination, including the closure of businesses, and other human rights violations against persons belonging to recognized and unrecognized religious minorities;

15. Urges the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran to launch a comprehensive accountability process in response to cases of serious human rights violations, including those involving the Iranian judiciary and security agencies and those following the 2009 presidential elections, and calls on the Government to end impunity for such violations;

16. Strongly urges the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran to ensure credible, transparent and inclusive parliamentary elections in 2016, and to allow all candidates to stand in a manner consistent with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights1 and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights2 in order to guarantee the free expression of the will of the Iranian people, and to that end calls upon the Government to allow independent national and international observation;

17. Calls upon the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran to implement its obligations under those human rights treaties to which it is already a party, to withdraw any reservations that it has made where such reservations are overly general, imprecise or could be considered incompatible with the object and purpos e of the treaty, to consider acting upon the concluding observations concerning the Islamic Republic of Iran adopted by the bodies of the international human rights treaties to which it is a party and to consider ratifying or acceding to the international human rights treaties to which it is not already a party;

18. Also calls upon the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran to engage with international human rights mechanisms by:

(a) Cooperating fully with the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran, including by accepting the repeated requests made by the Special Rapporteur to visit the country in order to carry out his mandate;

(b) Cooperating with other special mechanisms, including by facilitating long-standing requests for access to the country from thematic special procedures mandate holders, whose access to its territory has been restricted or denied, despite the standing invitation issued by the Islamic Republic of Iran, without imposing undue conditions upon those visits;

(c) Implementing all accepted universal periodic review recommendations from its first cycle, in 2010, and its second cycle, in 2014, with the full and genuine participation of independent civil society and other stakeholders in the implementation process;

(d) Building upon the engagement of the Islamic Republic of Iran with the universal periodic review process by continuing to explore cooperation on human rights and justice reform with the United Nations, including the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights;

(e) Following through on its commitment to establish an independent national human rights institution, made in the context of its first universal periodic review by the Human Rights Council, with due regard for the recommendation of the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights;

19. Further calls upon the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran to translate the pledges made by the President of the Islamic Republic of Iran with respect to human rights concerns into concrete action that results in demonstrable improvements as soon as possible and to ensure that its national laws are consistent with its obligations under international human rights law and that they are implemented in accordance with its international obligations;

20. Calls upon the Government of the Islamic Republic of Iran to address the substantive concerns highlighted in the reports of the Secretary-General and the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran, as well as the specific calls to action found in previous resolutions of the General Assembly, and to respect fully its human rights obligations in law and in practice;

21. Strongly encourages the relevant thematic special procedures mandate holders to pay particular attention to, with a view to investigating and reporting on, the human rights situation in the Islamic Republic of Iran;

22. Requests the Secretary-General to report to the General Assembly at its seventy-first session on the progress made in the implementation of the present resolution, including options and recommendations to improve its implementation, and to submit an interim report to the Human Rights Council at its thirty-first session;

23. Decides to continue its examination of the situation of human rights in the Islamic Republic of Iran at its seventy-first session under the item entitled “Promotion and protection of human rights”.

Original document

Millionen Afghanen verzweifeln im Iran: Europa vor dem nächsten Flüchtlingsstrom | report München

Von: Natalie Amiri

Stand: 01.12.2015

Millionen Afghanen verzweifeln im IranEuropa vor dem nächsten Flüchtlingsstrom

Was kaum bekannt ist: Der Iran bietet seit Jahren Unterschlupf für knapp vier Millionen Flüchtlinge aus dem Nachbarstaat Afghanistan. Viele Afghanen leben bereits in dritter Flüchtlingsgeneration im Iran – und meist als Bürger zweiter Klasse. Die Flüchtlingsbewegungen nach Deutschland im Sommer haben ihnen Hoffnung auf eine bessere Zukunft gemacht. Mit Kampagnen will sie die deutsche Botschaft in Kabul nun von der Flucht nach Europa abhalten. Doch lassen sich die Afghanen davon beeindrucken?

Wir sind an der Grenze zwischen Afghanistan und dem Iran. Um nach Europa zu gelangen, müssen Afghanen die streng bewachte iranische Grenze passieren – sie tun es legal und illegal.

Aus deutschen Sicherheitskreisen heißt es im Oktober, dass monatlich über 100.000 Afghanen ihre Heimat verlassen. Sie wollen über den Iran nach Europa.

Das bekommen wir sogar von offizieller iranischer Seite bestätigt.

Mohammad Ajami, Leiter der Ausländer Behörde, Khorasan Razavi: „Vor ca. fünf Monaten hat dieser neue große Schwung der Flüchtlinge begonnen. Einige hatten vor im Iran zu bleiben, aber die meisten wollten über die Türkei nach Europa.“  

Doch es sind nicht nur die Afghanen aus Afghanistan die jetzt nach Europa wollen, auch viele der vier Millionen afghanischen Flüchtlinge im Iran planen ihre Flucht. Denn im Iran sind sie unerwünscht.

Guest City – Stadt der Gäste. Klingt nach Willkommenskultur. Ist es aber nicht. Hier in diesem Camp leben seit Generationen Afghanen, geduldet von der iranischen Regierung. Ausgegrenzt von der iranischen Gesellschaft. Sie sind Bürger zweiter Klasse. Diese afghanischen Kinder hier sind bereits die dritte Generation. Sie kommen als Flüchtling auf die Welt – und bleiben es. Für sie gibt es keine Perspektive im Iran.

Mohammad Khavari ist auch in dritter Generation afghanischer Flüchtling im Iran. Jeden Tag erzählt man sich hier neue Erfolgsgeschichten von Freunden und Familie, die in den letzten Wochen in Europa angekommen sind.

Mohammad Khavari, Student: „Die junge Generation der Flüchtlinge hier hat gehofft, dass die neue Regierung unseren Zustand verbessert – aber leider ist die Situation schlimmer geworden. Sowohl die Sicherheit, als auch die wirtschaftliche Lage. Die jungen Afghanen haben hier keine Motivation mehr zu bleiben.“

Soghrah will nicht gezeigt werden. Denn auch sie hat vor zu fliehen; dorthin wo es anscheinend paradiesisch sein soll.

Soghrah: „Meine Freunde – die in Europa angekommen sind – erzählen, dass man sie dort freundlich aufnimmt und sich um sie kümmert, besonders in Deutschland. Dort gibt es bessere Arbeitsbedingungen. Die meisten die gegangen sind, waren junge Männer. Wenn die ihr Gehalt zu ihren Familien hier im Iran schicken, dann ist es natürlich sehr viel mehr, als sie hier je verdienen könnten.“

Die meisten Afghanen im Iran leben wie diese hier nicht in einem Camp, sie bewegen sich illegal im Land, verdienen ihr Brot als Tagelöhner. Laut der UN-Flüchtlingsorganisation gib es zwischen 1,5 bis 3 Millionen illegale Afghanen im Land – ohne Recht und Sicherheit. Hoffnung sehen fast alle nur in Europa. Antifluchtkampagnen der Europäer in dieser Region sollen sie jetzt vor einer Flucht ins Abendland abhalten.

Wir fragen nach, was sie über diese Kampagne in Afghanistan denken?

Tagelöhner: „Wir haben davon gehört – im Fernsehen. Ich habe gehört, man sagt uns: Flieht nicht. Aber wer akzeptiert das? Diejenigen, die fliehen wollen, haben alles verkauft. Und dann sagt man ihnen, sie sollen nicht gehen?“

Wir blicken nach Afghanistan. In Kabul hängen seit ein paar Tagen riesige Plakate in den großen Straßen der Hauptstadt. Poster, auf denen steht: „Afghanistan verlassen? Sind Sie sich sicher?“ Oder: „Afghanistan verlassen? Gründlich darüber nachgedacht?“

Hinter dieser Kampagne steckt:  die Bundesrepublik Deutschland.

Auch über die sozialen Medien unter dem Hashtag #rumoursaboutgermany will man mit Gerüchten aufräumen, dass eine Flucht nach Deutschland leicht, der Asylantrag akzeptiert werden wird.

Kann diese Kampagne überhaupt etwas bewirken?

Wir drehen heimlich in der Passbehörde in Kabul. Über 2.500 Pässe werden pro Tag beantragt für die Ausreise. Offiziell erfahren wir vom Leiter der Passbehörde:

Sayed Omar Saboor: „Für diese Massen haben wir nicht genug Beamte und technische Möglichkeiten, um dem Andrang gerecht zu werden.“

Auch Auftritte des deutschen Botschafters in Kabul im afghanischen Fernsehen gehören zu der Kampagne. Botschafter Markus Potzel erklärt auf die Nachfrage des Moderators im afghanischen Programm der deutschen Welle das Ziel der Kampagne:

Markus Potzel: „Wir wollten mit Aufhängen der Poster in den großen Städten Afghanistans eine große Menge an Personen auf die Gefahren der Flucht aufmerksam machen.“

Doch was halten die Afghanen vor Ort davon?

Abdul Raheem: „Es bringt überhaupt nichts. Es hat überhaupt keinen Sinn. Ich bin Taxifahrer. Jetzt ist es Nachmittag und ich habe noch nichts verdient. Wie kann so ein Poster uns von einer Flucht abhalten, wenn es überhaupt keine Arbeit in diesem Land gibt?  Keine Sicherheit.“

Auch im Iran will die UN-Flüchtlingsorganisation mit Aufklärung die Afghanen hier im Land vor einer Flucht nach Europa warnen.

Sograh, die Bürgerin zweiter Klasse im Iran – wie sie sich selbst nennt – erzählt uns, dass sie sich von nichts abhalten lassen wird. Von ihrem Ziel, etwas aus ihrem Leben zu machen.

Soghrah: „Ja, sie warnen uns über die Medien, dass wir eventuell aus Deutschland deportiert werden, wenn wir dort ankommen. Aber noch kein einziger der angekommen ist, hat uns das bestätigen können. Das Risiko ist es wert.“

Eine internationale Hilfsorganisation für Afghanen im Iran, die nicht genannt werden möchte, erzählt uns, dass nach den  Willkommensworten von Bundeskanzlerin Merkel im Sommer, ein Drittel der bei ihnen 1.300 registrierten afghanischen Flüchtlinge, noch in der Nacht aufgebrochen seien Richtung Deutschland.

250.000 Afghanen hat der Iran im vergangenen Jahr an der Ausreise Richtung Europa gehindert und in ihr Heimatland Afghanistan abgeschoben.

Doch wie lange wird der Iran die vielen afghanischen Flüchtlinge noch zurückhalten?

Die UN-Flüchtlingsorganisation in Teheran mahnt, dass der Sommer nur ein Warnsignal war.

Sivanka Dhanapala, Leiter UNHCR Iran: „I think there is a need, now more than ever for the international community to really invest in countries like Afghanistan and to also ensure, that they assist the countries that are hosting refugees in the immediate regions. I think this is urgently required, not only for the Syrian crisis but also for the Afghan crisis.“
Übersetzung: „Ich denke es muss jetzt – mehr denn je – von der internationalen Gemeinschaft in Länder wie Afghanistan investiert werden. Und man muss auch gewährleisten, dass die angrenzenden Länder, die die Flüchtlinge aufnehmen, Unterstützung bekommen. Ich denke, dies ist nicht nur für die syrische Krise wichtig, sondern auch für die afghanische.“

Die vielen Krisen in Afghanistan, sie haben Millionen Flüchtlinge hervorgebracht. Hunderttausende wollen nach Europa, sobald das Wetter besser wird.

Millionen Afghanen verzweifeln im IranFormat: PDF Größe: 31,14 KB


Iran| IRGC head warns Rouhani

Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps commander Mohammad Ali Jaffari speaks during a conference in Tehran, Sept. 6, 2011. (photo by REUTERS/Morteza Nikoubazl)

The front page of Iran newspaper contained a picture of a stern President Hassan Rouhani looking straight ahead with the headline, “Rouhani’s election warning.” The paper, which operates under the administration, was alluding to Rouhani’s criticism of the hard-line Guardian Council, the body that approves or disqualifies candidates from running in the elections.

With his nuclear opponents on the ropes, Rouhani is focusing on the 2016 parliamentary and Assembly of Experts elections. But his comments Aug. 19 at a meeting of his Cabinet with the governors of the provinces has drawn the ire of his critics, including the head of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), Mohammad Ali Jaffari.

Rouhani said, “The honorable Guardian Council is a supervisor, not an administrator. The administrator of the elections is the administration. The administration is responsible for carrying out the elections and agencies have been predetermined to supervise so that violations of the law do not take place.”

He continued, “The Guardian Council is the eyes and the eyes cannot do the work of the hands; supervision and administration should not be mixed. We have to completely pay attention to the constitution and act upon it.”

While Rouhani is accurate that the elections in Iran are carried out by the administration in office, and the Interior Ministry also does have the authority to approve or disqualify candidates in the first step of registration of parliamentary elections, his comments were viewed by critics as attempting to limit the Guardian Council’s role in the elections.

Without addressing Rouhani directly, Jaffari responded Aug. 20, “This kind of language that would weaken one of the pillars of the Islamic Revolution, as in the Guardian Council, damages national unity.” He asked Iranian officials not to “question the beliefs and values of the revolution” in order to “appease the dominant powers and the Great Satan.”

Conservative Iranian MP Ahmad Tavakoli also rejected Rouhani’s comments about the Guardian Council, saying, “The first point is that the legal discretion of the Guardian Council is to determine the qualification of candidates and the second point is how the Guardian Council proceeds to determine the qualifications. It’s not clear which of these two responsibilities the president objects to; apparently, [with] the example he gave, he objects to both of them.”

Tavakoli added that he was surprised that Rouhani, a legal scholar, would not know that constitutional role of the Guardian Council.

While Rouhani appears to be focused on post-nuclear-deal Iran, there seems to be confusion domestically about who would ratify the deal. Ali Shamkhani, the secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council (SNSC), said Aug. 20 that the council is in the final stages of reviewing the nuclear deal. This is while 201 members of the conservative-led parliament earlier issued a statement to Rouhani demanding that a final nuclear deal be approved by them and to set up a special committee to review the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action. Arash Bahmani wrote in Al-Monitor about the battle between the SNSC and the conservatives in parliament over the approval of the nuclear deal.


tagesschau: Goldener Bär für „Taxi“ aus Iran – 2015

Die Jury der 65. Berlinale hat ein politisches Zeichen gesetzt: Der regimekritische Iraner Jafar Panahi erhielt für seinen Film „Taxi“ den Goldenen Bären. Er selbst durfte nicht anreisen. Einen Silbernen Bären erhielt der deutsche Regisseur Sebastian Schipper.

Taxi (Persian: تاکسی‎) is a 2015 Iranian drama film starring and directed by Jafar Panahi. It premiered in competition at the 65th Berlin International Film Festival.[1] Similar as Abbas Kiarostami’s Ten and A Taste of Cherry,[2] it has been described as “a portrait of the Iranian capital Tehran”[3] and as a “documentary-like film is set in a Tehran taxi that is driven by Panahi”[4] with passengers who “candidly confide[e]” to Panahi.[5] According to Jean-Michel Frodon, the passengers include “Men and women, young and old, rich and poor, traditionalists and modernists, video pirates vendors and advocate of human rights, [who sit] in the passenger seat of the inexperienced driver [who they refer to as] Harayé Panahi, ‘Mr. Panahi.’” The passengers are played by non-professional actors, whose identities remain anonymous.[2]
Like his previous two films This Is Not a Film and Closed Curtain, it was made despite Panahi’s 20-year ban from making films.[6]His previous two films had been shot in extreme secrecy in Panahi’s apartment and in a private house. In this film Panahi filmed out in the open on the streets of Tehran.[2]

Shortly after the film’s premiere at Berlin was announced, Panahi released an official statement in which he promised to continue making films despite the ban and said ““Nothing can prevent me from making films since when being pushed to the ultimate corners I connect with my inner-self and, in such private spaces, despite all limitations, the necessity to create becomes even more of an urge.”[5] At the Berlin Film Festival, the film won the FIPRESCI Prize.[7]

The two faces of modernity in Iran – analysis

How the 1979 revolution and eight-year war with Iraq modernised the country

Women in Tehran protest against the hijab in March 1979.
Women in Tehran protest against the hijab in March 1979. Photograph: Bettmann/Corbis

It is often thought that what is currently taking place in Iran, the continuation of what has unfolded there over the past three decades – violation of human rights, systematic discrimination against women, and belligerence toward the west – constitutes a rejection of modernity and its fruits. There are many reasons to find this view plausible. Soon after the victory of the Islamists in the revolution of 1979, most of the modernising efforts and institutions of the 55-year-old Pahlavi dynasty were either abandoned or completely reversed. Some of the most visible of these institutions pertained to women. During the rule of Mohammad Reza Shah, the state had taken some positive steps regarding the status and welfare of women. Some of the most flagrant institutionalised forms of discrimination and abuse were curbed, if not abolished, through the curtailing of arbitrary divorce by men, the institution of more women-friendly custody laws, and the restriction of polygyny.

With the establishment of the Islamic republic, most of the provisions of the Pahlavi era’s Family Protection Law were abandoned. Personal freedoms, which before the revolution were more or less tolerated, came under severe attack by the revolutionaries. Women were forced to don the hijab, and any form of resistance to the closely monitored dress codes for both men and women was met with harsh punishment, including public flogging. Ancient retribution laws that entailed the cutting off of thieves’ hands and the stoning of adulterers – which, in fact, had rarely been performed in medieval Iran – were enforced in many parts of the country.

Human rights, including freedom of belief, among the fundamental features of the modern world, received a fatal blow under the Islamic republic. Adherents of the Baha’i faith, for example, came under savage attack by the government and zealots soon after the revolution. Some 200 to 300 Baha’is were killed merely because they were not willing to recant their faith. Many more received long prison sentences. The property of thousands of Baha’is was confiscated and their children were deprived of education, especially of access to higher education. Even today many members of the Baha’i Faith face gross discrimination and many of their leaders are serving long prison sentences. After the brutal repression of the Green Movement, many more journalists, lawyers and civil society activists are in jail or under house arrest.

Iran's Dizin ski resort in March 2002.
Iran’s Dizin ski resort in March 2002. Photograph: Reuters

There is no doubt that the revolution and the Islamic republic that was established in its wake militated against and negated some of what we take to be the most important aspects of modernity. Yet, modernity is complex. Under closer analysis, it could become evident that what has been taking place in Iran over the past three decades might very well be the initial phases of modernity, whose emergence has often been Janus-faced in other parts of the world. The notion of modernity is a contentious one, surrounded by conflicting methods of analysis, value judgments, and sentiments.

Of particular relevance to Iran’s situation, there are some intellectual traditions that tend to view modernity in terms of transformations in the human psyche that empower individuals so that they are no longer passive, inactive, docile, compliant, idle, suffering, and resigned. From this point of view – shared in varying ways by philosophers such as Immanuel Kant, G.W.F. Hegel, and Jürgen Habermas – modernity begins when a critical mass in a society abandons the life of passivity and acquires a sense of assertiveness, vigor, volition, resolve, and action. In a nutshell, modern people are not passive. They possess agency and power. They act upon the world. Moderns’ intervention in and acting upon nature constitutes the foundation of technology, which has liberated humans to some extent from the whims of nature and at the same time brought us close to thedestruction of both nature and ourselves.

Modern people also act upon society and politics as they assert their individual and collective power. This aspect of human agency and empowerment underlies the democratic institutions of modern societies. Democracy in the modern world is not possible without these fundamental transformations in the psyches of the people in a given society. We can install all the institutions of modern democracy, but without a critical mass in the society that has a sense of agency and empowerment these institutions will not survive. This happened in Iran (not to mention other countries) in the early 20th century. The Constitutional Revolution of 1906 laid the foundations of a restricted, constitutional monarchy, a parliament, a more or less free press, and free elections. But because a sense of agency and empowerment had not developed among the bulk of the Iranian people, none of these institutions could preserve their democratic character.. The Pahlavi period (1925-1979) witnessed some important degrees of development in the economy and education, as well as expansion of a centralised bureaucracy, military and urbanization. All of these promoted the sense of empowerment and agency among a growing number of Iranians, especially in the large cities and among the middle and the upper middle classes. Nevertheless, this sense of agency and thereby possessing human and citizenship rights was for the most part confined to the upper echelons of society and even among them it was experienced as a gift bestowed by the monarch and therefore not deeply internalized.

The observation may at first seem very counterintuitive, but the experience of Iran in the past three decades has brought a significant sense of agency and empowerment to average Iranians, especially those of the lower and lower middle classes. Ironically, this development may ultimately challenge the very existence of the Islamic republic as we know it. The revolution of 1979 galvanized and mobilized the “masses” of Iran like no other event in the country’s recent history. The participation of Iranians from all walks of life, especially the lower and lower middle classes, in political rallies, consciousness raising (as well as ideological indoctrination), formation of protest groups, and many other forms of social and political struggle toppled the Pahlavi dynasty. This collective action jolted ordinary Iranians and catapulted them into a form of agency, albeit rudimentary and contradictory.

The eight years of war with Iraq in the 1980s further promoted the sense of agency among Iran’s men, and to some extent its women (female participation in the war effort behind the front was significant). The conflict was inarguably devastating: it took a massive human toll, with between a quarter of million and one million Iranians killed or injured. It also further devastated what remained of the country’s physical infrastructure after the revolution. Yet, despite the massive human and physical damage that the war inflicted on Iran, it served to increase the sense of boldness and agency among its people.


Minister: Werden Identität eines jeden kennen/ Iran will sämtliche Internetnutzer identifizieren

Der Iran will nicht nur unliebsame Internet-Inhalte filtern, sondern sämtliche Web-Nutzer identifizieren, sobald sie sich einloggen. „Wer künftig das Internet nutzen will, wird identifiziert“, sagte Telekommunikationsminister Mahmud Waesi. „Wir werden die Identität eines jeden Webusers kennen“, zitierte ihn die Nachrichtenagentur Isna.

Internet-Café in Teheran

Waesi hatte schon vor einigen Wochen ein Kontrollsystem angekündigt, das es den Behörden ermöglichen soll, bestimmte Inhalte aus den Sozialnetzwerken zu filtern. Seit den Massendemonstrationen gegen die umstrittene Wiederwahl des damaligen Präsidenten Mahmud Ahmadinedschad im Jahr 2009 blockiert Teheran regelmäßig den Zugang zu Plattformen wie Twitter und Facebook. Darüber waren die Proteste vor fünf Jahren mobilisiert worden.

Nach der Wahl des moderaten Präsidenten Hassan Ruhani im Juni 2013 gab es die Hoffnung auf eine Lockerung der Internetzensur. Allerdings sind zahlreiche Kommunikationsangebote wie Viber, Tango und Whatsapp von der Schließung bedroht. Mehrere Blogger wurden von der Cyber-Polizei festgenommen.

Iran strahlt Propagandafilm „7 Minuten bis Tel Aviv“ aus

Israel in Reichweite iranischer Raketen

Teheran – Das iranische Staatsfernsehen will einen gegen Israel gerichteten Propagandafilm ausstrahlen. In dem Dokumentarfilm „7 Minuten bis Tel Aviv“ gehe es um die iranische Raketenindustrie, berichtete die Nachrichtenagentur MEHR am Mittwoch.

Der Titel deutet darauf hin, dass iranische Mittelstreckenraketen mit einer Reichweite von rund 2000 Kilometern binnen sieben Minuten Tel Aviv treffen könnten.

Seit Präsident Hassan Rohani im August 2013 sein Amt antrat, war gehofft worden, dass die anti-israelische Hetzrhetorik im Iran zurück. Sein Vorgänger, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, hatte die Ausradierung Israels gefordert und den Holocaust infrage gestellt. Der Iran erkennt den Staat Israel nicht an und unterstützt Gruppen wie die Hamas und die Hisbollah, die Israel als Terrororganisationen eingestuft hat.

Vor Kurzem hat der Oberste Führer des Iran, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, auf seinem offiziellen Twitter-Account einen Neun-Punkte-Plan zur Beseitigung des „künstlichen zionistischen Regimes“ vorgelegt. (APA)

Tyranny of numbers: The global sources of Iran’s inflation

by Djavad Salehi-Isfahani

The recent welcome slowdown of inflation in Iran, like its devastating acceleration four years ago, has something to do with global influences that are well beyond Iran’s control.  The credit in the current slowdown in inflation goes in large part to Rouhani’s economic team but what Iran’s economy minister, Mr. Tayyebnia, has called a “miracle”, has earthly reasons that are not even under the control of Iranian policy makers. Not realizing these influences can be misleading.   

Two important sources of inflation in Iran are the price of oil and food.  But for different reasons.  The influence of international food prices is obvious, because Iran is a major importer of foodstuffs.  But how oil causes inflation in Iran is less obvious because it is an export commodity.  The way the latter mechanism works is that expenditure of oil revenues causes not-traceable prices in Iran to rise.  This is the so-called real appreciation that requires the relative price of non-tradable to tradable goods to increase.  Of course, this can occur if prices are fully flexible, but that is a fairy tale people tell when they want to blame everything on the growth of money supply. The truth is that money supply has to grow to accommodate the change in relative prices through differential increase in the price of tradable and non-tradable goods.

Added to this is that commodity prices often move together, so increases in the price of oil often coincide with food prices increase.  (Why this is the case is beyond my expertise, but you can read about it in Hochman et al, American Economic Review, May 2010. Perhaps higher oil prices raise the cost of fertilizer and food, but other forces may have been pushing both prices up.)  The chart below shows the close movement of food and oil prices since 1990.  The soft oil market in the 1990s was coincident with stable or falling index of food prices.  As oil started its rise, which stopped (ended?) a few months ago, food prices increased rapidly. These prices continued to move together after the banking crisis of 2008 which led to a brief collapse of oil prices in 2008.

Figure 1.  Price of oil and food move closely together
Note: Food price is the FAO index, and oil is in USD per barrel.

And now look at how Iran’s inflation rate has behaved since 1998, the period after the price of oil bottomed out in 1998.  You can see in this chart clearly that there is a relationship between Iran’s inflation rate and the two commodity series.  Inflation picks up in earnest as oil revenues kick up in 2004 and food prices start their steep rise.  Likewise, falling inflation now has a lot to do with falling oil and food prices.

Figure 2. Iran’s inflation rate is also aligned with oil and food prices

Note: Iran’s inflation in based on the urban CPI published by the Central Bank of Iran.

What does it mean for policy to say that Iran’s inflation has external origins?  Of course, it does not mean that internal reasons are not important or are of secondary importance.  Clearly,  the high last four years had a lot to do with the energy price reform, stifled inflation due to financial repression and overvaluation of rial in the previous ten years, as well as international sanctions.  Some of blame for high inflation of the recent past should surely go to bad polices of the Ahmadinejad administration, chief among them the financing of cash transfers and public housing by borrowing form the Central Bank.  But putting all the blame on the growth of money supply, as many pundits in Iran do, is to ignore the part due to external factors, themselves related to the reality of rigid prices.  A partial diagnosis of the past inflation means that the country is vulnerable to future external inflationary shocks.

The lesson to draw from looking at external factors is to realize that in the face of rising global oil and food prices, fighting inflation can be costly in terms of jobs.  Yes, the Central Bank can keep liquidity from increasing, and force a real appreciation through decrease in tradable prices, but the deflationary pressure needed to do so will do serious harm to the economy.  Monetary policy would have a hard time stopping wages from rising as food prices rise and rising government expenditure of oil revenues increase demand for labor.  This unfortunate scenario will continue to repeat itself as long as the source of economic growth in Iran is rising price of oil instead of productivity.

Unless we draw the right lessons from past experience, we will not be ready when food and oil prices rise again — perhaps several years from now — and  the scenario of the last decade will play again.  Despite rising food prices and wages, Iran’s exchange rate would stay the same because there would be no compelling reason to devalue the rial when foreign exchange is pouring in.   Domestic production becomes less competitive, setting the stage for another round of inflation when the overvalued rial is no longer sustainable.  The currency will collapse and prices shoot up.  Who and what will get the blame that time around?



The following is a monthly report summarizing the human rights status in Iran in September/October (Solar calendar, month of Mehr), 2014. This report has been prepared by the office of Statistics and Publications of the Human Rights Activists Association of Iran. Considering the ongoing suppression and ban on independent human rights activist organizations in Iran, this report may not be considered a comprehensive and complete reflection of the current status of human rights situation in Iran. It should be noted that the department of Statistics also publishes an annual report about the human rights conditions in Iran in the form analytical and statistical report.
An overview of the human rights situation in Iran in September/ October
During months of September/October 2014, systematic Human rights violations in Iran continued with a quick pace just like before. The second day of this month saw the controversial execution of “Mohsen Amir Aslani” on the charges of “Corruption on earth” and “Heresy in religion” along with three other prisoners at Rajaee Shahr Prison. Further executions followed In Mashhad, Zahedan , a  juvenile who committed murder at the age of 14 in Tabriz and group execution of 7 prisoners at Qezel Hesar Prison. A 22-year-old who was charged with the homicide of “Ali Khalili” (a Basiji militia who was also a student at Hawza) while Ali was performing “Enjoining good” received a death sentence.
During this month, Human Right organisations expressed their concerns about the possible execution of “Saman Nasim”. He was charged with being a member of anti-regime opposition Kurdish group while he was 17 and has been sentenced to death. In his report, Ahmed Shaheed, the United Nations Special Rapporteur for Human Rights in Iran criticized the execution of 852 people in Iran during the last year. In his report he described the increasing number of execution as “alerting” and demanded the stop of executions.  At the same time with Ahmed Shaheed’s report, Human Rights Activists Association of Iran also published a report in which at least 548 executions were reported from October 2013 to October 2014.
During the last month several incidents confirmed the continues and increasing pressure on Sunni followers in Iran such as: arrest and uncertainty about the situation of “Hafez-Tohid Ghoreishi (Molavi)” Fridays prayer Imam of “Imam Shafeie” Mosque at “Shalqon” village -a rural district of “Talesh”  district in Gilan- ; alleged beating of Sunni prisoners and their families at Karaj Rajaee Shahr Prison ; arrests of more than 20 Sunni citizens in “Taze Abad Javanrood”; arrests of 14 Sunni citizens in “Torkaman Shahra”; arrests of 4 Sunni students in Kerman state .
Following further Human Rights Violation of Religious Minorities in Iran, a week after the protest of “Daravish” (Sufis sect followers) was crushed by the security forces in front of Tehran Public Prosecutors office and police injured tens of protesters by beating them and shooting tear gas at them, about 1000 “Gonabadi Darvish” gathered to send their objection message to the government and the authorities.
The gathering was formed after Tehran’s chief of police promises to meet the demands of the “Daravish” and prisoners on strike proved to be empty. In additions, the statement made by the Minister of Intelligence in which he called “Daravish” as people with no religion has raised their anger.
This month was also a difficult one for Bahais. Examples of the most visible violations of Bahai citizens’ rights were: Arrest and conviction of a young Bahia follower in Shiraz; putting pressure on the family of “Ataollah Rezvani”( a Bahai citizen who was murdered mysteriously ) to accept the closure of the case; and the exile of “Farhad Eghbali” a Bahai Prisoner to Karaj Rjaee Shahr Prison.
As it was anticipated, this month proved to be a tougher month for converted Christians. According to the reports, 3 Christian priests “Behnam Irani”, “ Reza Rabbani” and “ Alireza Haghnejad” were sentenced to 18 years imprisonment with exile at Islamic Revolutionary Court.  3 converted Christians “Shahram Ghaedi”, “Heshmat Shafie” and “Emad Haghi” were arrested in Folad shahr in Isfahan.
One of the most concerning reports published in the month of Mehr was about the injury of a 9-year-old labourer at work. Although this report can be classified in the labour and work safety domain, but Children Rights violation and child labour complicated issue is more of importance in this report.
In Children Rights domain, it is important to mention the act of an Elementary school’s principal in Bandar Abbas who physically punished all fifth year students. The punishment was given to the fifth year class while their teacher was absent for the day and students were making noises. The Principal confirmed that he physically punished them and mentioned that he would do it again if it is necessary.
In the month of Mehr, apart from the vast issue of compulsory cover (Hijab) for women, approval of new laws of “Enjoining good and forbidding wrong” and the tragedy of Acid attacks in Isfahan, Iranian women were also subject to attacks and discriminations in cultural domain.  Prosecution of a female who performed solo singing at Talar-e-Vahdat and prohibiting female musicians from playing at a concert in Isfahan are examples of these discriminations.
In the area of workers, just like other areas, this month was full of incidents. Two widespread strikes in Ahwaz and Rodbar and the layoff of 100 workers at Abadan Refinery while they have not received the last three months wages were some of these events. In addition, gathering of 700 Telecommunications’ employees; further prevention of hundreds of workers at “Navarad va Loleh Safa” from entering the factory; protest gathering of current and retired workers of Mazandaran Weaving factory for being at a loss with regards to their salary were among the events of this month. Furthermore, death of a Corn Drying factory worker at Ravansar and death of two workers in a fire incident at a production workshop have added to this month calamities for Iranian workers and labour society.
In the domain of unions and union rights, this month included the controversial issue of suspension of “Nasrin Sotoudeh” well-known lawyer and member of the human rights defenders union.  Branch Two of the Lawyers’ Disciplinary Court at the Iranian Bar Association banned “Nasrin Sotoudeh” from her legal practice for three years and she went on strike in front of the Iranian Bar Association building.
In the area of LGBT, this report has also highlighted the arrest of a youngster after he left his cell number on his Facebook personal profile to find a gay sex partner.
The environment also received a warning along with the water Supply and Air pollution crisis. “Hossien Amiri Khamkani”, Zarand representative at Iran’s parliament said: “the biggest artificial jungle of the world in north of Kerman is on the verge of extinction.”  In addition, the director of Iran National Project of Preserving Ponds said: “about 70% of ponds across the country are at critical stage. Also, 200 villages evacuated because of drought at Sistan and Baluchistan state.
Another bold incident worth mentioning with regards to Human Rights in Iran was the production and publication of the booklet of “Mine, the Silent killer of Iranians” by Human Rights Activist Association of Iran. This book is an unprecedented research about the victims of Mines in Iran covering the past 24 years. According to this booklet 8034 victims affected by Mines in Iran in the mentioned period.
Particular attention to the violations of human rights
This section of report pays specific attention to more sensitive cases of human rights violations which were more of interests for public opinion during the month of Mehr. Obviously, this specific attention doesn’t mean that these kinds of reports reflect the severity and dimension of the human rights violations.
Such cases are the death of one citizen during a Police raid (NAJA) for confiscating satellite dishes. Also, the attempt of Judiciary system to execute the death penalty of “Reyhaneh Jabbari” – a young girl who claimed that she was defending herself while she committed homicide- resulted in extensive complaints which temporary postponed the execution.
After 100 days of detention, “Ghonche Ghavami” and her cellmate “Atena Farghdani” went on hunger strike in protest to their unclear fate which moved the public opinion to a huge extent.  Transfer of “Zahra Rahnavard” to the hospital for an eye operation was another human right issue which attracted a huge public opinions’ attention.
Instating the “Enjoining good and forbidding wrong” protection law in Iran’s Parliament, widespread arrests of Kobani supporter activists in Tehran and also unhuman act of Acid attacks on women in Isfahan with the excuse of Bad- Hejabi ( not following Islamic dress code) were among the most noted issues in Mehr.
Human rights reports in the shadow of “Little Attention”
In contrast to the previous section of the report, many of the human rights reports faced “little attention” or even no attention by the media including social media activists which are forming a part of public opinion. It is important to note that these neglects are often unintentional but there are also intentional discriminations which could facilitate even further violations of human rights in Iran.
An example is the report about the injury of 4 students when a classroom ceiling collapsed in a school located in a village. On a different occasion, “Abolfazl Rostami”, a 15-year-old student from the city of Robat Karim in the state of Tehran was shot to death during the military training.  This is a clear example of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child violation which states: Children should not be trained or used in military environment. This news has received very little attention.
In this section, there are reports about the prevention of Eyd-e-Ghorban prayer for Sunni citizens in Tehran, which is a continuing wrong custom since the Islamic Revolution which resulted in the widespread violation of large Sunni population. In addition, several followers of Erfan-e-Halgheh ( Interuniversalism ,which is a Religious- Conscience believe ) were arrested while they gathered to protest against the imprisonment of their spiritual leader Dr Mohammad Ali Taheri . These were also remained hidden from the public opinions’ attention.
Iran Association of General Surgeons reported an increase in the number of Breast Cancers.  This association issued warnings about the reduction of age of Breast Cancer among young women. According to their statistics, one in every four women is diagnosed with Breast Cancer.
While Iranian people are living in fear and unrest from the recent Acid attacks and incompetence of security forces in dealing with the situation and arresting those responsible in Isfahan, the commander of the “Sepah Saheb-o-alzaman” in Isfahan claimed that they have identified and destroyed the biggest cyber group of anti- morality in this state. He also added:” this group formed of six head members who created a platform for anti-morality behaviour and obscene cyber environment. They were recruiting members (young males and females) and were taking advantage of these members.”. These arrests also received little attention from the public in the shadow of the recent events in Isfahan.
The office of Statistics and Publication of Human Rights Activists Association in Iran

Iran Journalists to Rouhani: Stop Lying!

With so many journalists jailed in Iran, including the Washington Post’s Jason Rezaian, reporters inside the country and out denounce the president’s smiling sophistry.
In a letter to President Hassan Rouhani, 135 Iranian reporters, editors and media workers from inside and outside Iran urged the president not to insult them by lying about the persecution of journalists in Iran.

The letter, published in Persian on IranWire, criticized Rouhani for recent comments he made during an interview with CNN’s Christiane Amanpour.

During the interview, which took place while Rouhani was in the United States to attend a the United Nations General Assembly, Amanpour asked the president to comment on the case of Jason Rezaian, the jailed Washington Post journalist.

„I really don’t believe the fact at all,” he said. “I do not believe that an individual would be detained or put in prison for being a journalist.”

Technically, Rouhani is right, but the reality is very different. Most of those in prison are not charged with activities related to journalism. Instead, it’s “endangering the security of the nation,” “spreading propaganda,” “insulting the Supreme Leader.” In some cases, journalists are held on charges of “promoting corruption” or “prostitution.”

According to research conducted by IranWire, there are 65 professional and citizen journalists currently in prison in Iran. All of them were arrested because of their reporting. Since the disputed presidential election in 2009, almost 300 journalists have been arrested. Iran has the highest number of women journalists in prison, and hundreds of Iranian journalists are forced to live in exile.

In their letter to Rouhani, which to date has 135 signatories, journalists asked him to honor his election promises: greater freedom for journalists, and a safer and more secure working environment. The letter is published in English below:

President Hassan Rouhani of Iran:

Your Excellency,

When you came to power in June 2013, you promised that you would create a more secure working environment for journalists and the media in our country.

Once again, in February 2014, you reminded the citizens of Iran of your election promises, stating that journalists should be entitled to greater security while doing their jobs. You said that shutting down a newspaper is not the right way to warn those who may have infringed on the law.

We, the undersigned, hoped you would take serious and practical measures to fulfill your promises. Yet more than a year after resuming office, the demands and expectations of journalists have not been realized. In fact, in an interview with CNN’s Christiane Amanpour, you denied that there was anyone in jail in Iran for their work as a journalist.

You were once critical of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s administration and its habit of concealing and denying the truth. Your recent denial that a problem even exists echoes this sentiment, and reminds us of its impact.

We, the undersigned journalists, believe that it is unethical, unprofessional and insulting to deny the fact that, today, many journalists remain in prison in Iran for doing their jobs. Moreover, a number of journalists have been imprisoned during your presidency.

In our country, security agents regularly imprison journalists, denying them their basic rights simply for carrying out their duty: to inform the public. As the head of the executive branch, and as the second highest official of the land, whose responsibility includes supervising the execution of the constitution by different branches of the government, it is your duty to improve the situation of Iranian journalists.

At the very least, we expect you to correct your false statement concerning imprisoned journalists in Iran. But we hope for more, and we ask you to fulfill your promises to create a more secure environment for journalists in our country.


– Aida Ghajar

– Ahmad Rafat

– Alieh Motalebzadeh

– Ali Asghar Ramezanpour

– Ali Shirazi

– Ali Mazrouei

– Alireza Latifian

– Amirhossein Mossala

– Arash Bahmani

– Arash Ashourinia

– Arash Azizi

– Behdad Bordbar

– Behrouz Samadbeygi

– Bijan Farhoudi

– Darioush Memar

– Delbar Tavakoli

– Ehsan Mehrabi

– Elnaz Mohammadi

– Ershad Alijani

– Fatemeh Jamalpour

– Farshad Ghorbanpour

– Fereshte Ghazi

– Farshid Faryabi

– Farahmand Alipour

– Fariborz Soroush

– Farid Haeinejad

– Farideh Ghaeb

– Firouzeh Ramezanzadeh

– Hamid Eslami

– Hamidreza Ebrahimzadeh

– Hanif Mazrouei

– Homayoun Kheiri

– Hossein Alavi

– Javad Heidarian

– Isa Saharkhiz

– Kamyar Behrang

– Kaveh Ghoreishi

– Khatereh Vatankhah

– Ladan Salami

– Lida Ayaz

– Lida Hosseininejad

– Leila Sa’adati

– Leili Nikounazar

– Maziar Bahari

– Maziar Khosravi

– Mana Neyestani

– Mani Tehrani

– Mahrokh Gholamhosseinpour

– Mojtaba Najafi

– Majid Saeedi

– Mohammad Aghazadeh

– Mohammad Tangestani

– Mohammad Hossein Nejati

– Mohammad Rahbar

– Mohammad Ghadamali

– Mohammad Kassaeizadeh

– Mohammadreza Nassababdollahi

– Mahmoud Farjami

– Morteza Kazemian

– Marjan Tabatabaei

– Maryam Amiri

– Maryam Jafari

– Maryam Shahsamandi

– Maryam Majd

– Mazdak Alinazari

– Masoud Behnoud

– Masoud Safiri

– Masoud Kazemi

– Masoud Lavasani

– Mostafa Khalaji

– Maliheh Mohammadi

– Mansoureh Farahani

– Mahdi Tajik

– Mehdi Jami

– Mehdi Ghadimi

– Mehdi Mahmoudian

– Mehdi Vazirbani

– Mehdi Mohseni

– Mehran Faraji

– Mehraveh Kharazmi

– Mehrad Abolghassemi

– Mehrdad Hojati

– Mehrdad Mashayekhi

– Mitra Khalatbari

– Meisam Youssefi

– Milad Beheshti

– Minou Momeni

– Nazanin Kazemi

– Nazanin Matin’nia

– Nasrin Zahiri

– Naeimeh Doustdar

– Negin Behkam

– Noushabeh Amiri

– Noushin Pirouz

– Nikahang Kowsar

– Nima Dehghani

– Niousha Saremi

– Omid Montazeri

– Parvaneh Vahidmanesh

– Panah Farhadbahman

– Pourya Souri

– Reza Ansarirad

– Reza Haghighatnejad

– Reza Rafiei

– Reza Shokrollahi

– Rouzbeh Mirebrahimi

– Roya Maleki

– Reihaneh Mazaheri

– Sara Damavandan

– Saghi Laghaei

– Sam Mahmoudi Sarabi

– Sanaz Ghazizadeh

– Sepideh Behkam

– Sahar Bayati

– Soroush Farhadian

– Saeid Shams

– Saeideh Amin

– Soulmaz Eikder

– Siamak Ghaderi

– Seyyed Mojtaba Vahedi

– Sina Shahbaba

– Shabnam Shabani

– Shahram Rafizadeh

– Shahrzad Hemati

– Shohreh Asemi

– Shirzad Abdollahi

– Shirin Famili

– Shima Shahrabi

– Saba Sherdoust

– Sadra Mohaghegh

– Tahereh Rahimi

– Tara Bonyad

– Taraneh Baniyaghoub

– Touka Neyestani

– Youssef Azizi Banitorof


This article was republished from IranWire.

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