بازگشت به ایران: از وعدهها تا نگرانی ها – New Video: Iranian Expats Risk Arrest upon Return to their Homeland
Rouhani’s Promise of Right of Return Proves Hollow for Many
April 23, 2015—The International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran released a video today highlighting the plight of the thousands of Iranians who wish to return to their homeland, yet fear likely imprisonment upon arrival for the peaceful expression of their beliefs, art, or lifestyle.
Dozens of Iranian expatriates who have traveled to Iran following assurances by President Hassan Rouhani regarding their safe passage, have been arrested, interrogated, prevented from leaving by having their passports confiscated, and, in many instances, imprisoned upon their return.
The video, Iranian Expats on the Right to Return (on YouTube and on Facebook), features commentary by four prominent Iranian artists and writers, including journalist Masih Alinejad, author Roozbeh Mirebrahimi, painter Nikzad Nojoomi and singer and songwriter Melody Safavi.
“Iranians should not fear returning home because of views or lifestyles that the government disagrees with,” said Hadi Ghaemi, Executive Director of the Campaign. “The administration beckons them, and then the Judiciary imprisons them; the Government of Iran needs to address this disconnect.”
As singer and songwriter Melody Safavi laments in the video, “I am creating art. Something that should normally be appreciated but, unfortunately, I am treated in the same way as a criminal.”
During his visit to the UN General Assembly in September 2013, and shortly following his election into office, President Rouhani told a jubilant crowd of Iranian-Americans at a reception at a New York City hotel that visiting their homeland was their “incontrovertible right.”
Some Iranian exiles, like journalist Seraj Mirdamadi, took Rouhani at his word.
Today, Mirdamadi is serving a six-year prison term in Evin prison on trumped up charges of “propaganda against the state” and “conspiracy against national security.”
Other returning expatriates have met a similar fate.
Most recently, Mostafa Azizi, an author and television producer who was a longtime resident of Canada, returned to Iran in January 2015, only to be arrested shortly thereafter on February 1 and placed into solitary confinement at Evin prison.
Mirdamadi and Azizi are part of a growing group of expatriates arrested since returning to Iran following Rouhani’s election. They include political activist Kazem Barjasteh, journalist and reformist politician Hossein Nouraninejad, PhD student Hamid Babaei, and PhD student Masoumeh Gholizadeh.
Following his inauguration, President Rouhani reportedly asked Iran’s Intelligence and Foreign Ministries to facilitate the return of Iranians living abroad. In November 2013, the Deputy Foreign Minister for Consular, Parliamentary and Iranian Expatriate Affairs announced the formation of a committee to help exiled political activists return to Iran. Yet if the arrests over the past year and a half are any indication, it seems the right of safe return—as interpreted by the Iranian authorities—only applies to those who do not express any dissent against the state.
As the Spokesperson for the Iranian Judiciary, Gholamhossein Mohseni Ejei, stated in 2013, “We do not ban people from entering the country or say they do not have the right to enter the country… but when they enter they will be charged and prosecuted.”
This is in violation of Article 13(2) of the United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which states, “Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country.”
Anlässlich des vierten Jahrestages des Hausarrests der iranischen Oppositionsführer Karroubi und Moussavi erklärte der Menschenrechtsbeauftragte der Bundesregierung im Auswärtigen Amt, Christoph Strässer, heute (13.02.):
Seit dem 14.02.11 stehen die iranischen Oppositionsführer Mehdi Karroubi, Mir Hossein Moussavi sowie dessen Ehefrau Zahra Rahnavard unter Hausarrest. Ein Gerichtsverfahren wurde bis heute nicht eröffnet. Der Hausarrest entbehrt somit jeglicher rechtsstaatlichen Grundlage.
Ich fordere die iranische Führung auf, den Hausarrest nach nunmehr vier Jahren endlich aufzuheben.
Iran hat den Internationalen Pakt über bürgerliche und politische Rechte ratifiziert und sich damit verpflichtet, die Rechte all seiner Bürger zu achten und zu schützen. Fortgesetzter willkürlicher Freiheitsentzug ist ein eindeutiger Verstoß hiergegen!
Die beiden iranischen Oppositionspolitiker Mir Hossein Moussavi und Mehdi Karroubi waren 2009 im Präsidentschaftswahlkampf gegen den damaligen Amtsinhaber Ahmadinejad angetreten. Im Zuge der sich nach der Verkündung des Wahlergebnisses formierenden Protestbewegung (“Grüne Bewegung”) wurden sie zu deren Repräsentanten stilisiert. Nachdem ihre Bewegungsfreiheit bereits zuvor erheblich eingeschränkt worden war, wurden sie sowie Moussavis Ehefrau Zahra Rahnavard am 14.02.11 unter Hausarrest gestellt. Bis heute wurde keine formale Anklage durch die iranischen Justizbehörden erhoben, der Hausarrest jedoch aufrechterhalten.
Quelle: Auswärtige Amt
Der iranische Blogger Mesbah Mohammady sprach am Mittwoch in Chemnitz über die Unterdrückung der Medien im Iran und seine Flucht nach Deutschland. // von Ben Franke
Auf einer von örtlichen Bloggern organisierten Abendveranstaltung sprach am Mittwoch der iranische Blogger Mesbah Mohammady in Chemnitz über die Anfänge der iranischen Blogosphäre, politische Verfolgung und Unterdrückung, sowie seine Flucht nach Deutschland ins sächsische Chemnitz, wo er ironischerweise mehr Repressalien erdulden muss als im Iran.
Mit der Blogging-Plattform Pitas fing alles an
Im Juli 1999 – mehr als 20 Jahre nach “Weiße Revolution” – und der Errichtung einer iranischen Scheindemokratie, demonstrierten Studierende gegen die Schließung der iranischen Zeitung Salam. Dies war die erste offene Demonstration gegen die Regierung. Dabei kam es zu mehreren Toten und mindestens Tausend Demonstranten wurden verhaftet.
Im selben Jahr kam die erste freie Bloggerplattform Pitas auf den Markt. Nachdem im Jahr 2003 das persische Alphabet Teil des Internets wurde, startete Mesbah Mohammady ein Blog und fing an zu schreiben. Mohammady erzählte, in Begleitung seines Übersetzers Mostafa, dass er so bis 2004 seine Meinung zur politischen Situation im Iran frei und unzensiert äußern konnte. Aus Rücksicht auf seine religiöse Familie, bloggte er anonym.
2004 erlangte die iranische Blogosphäre durch einen Streit um die korrekte Bezeichnung des arabischen Golfs erstmals die Aufmerksamkeit der Weltöffentlichkeit. Die Iraner bestanden auf die Bezeichung “Arabischer Golf”, während National Geographic die Bezeichnung “Persischen Golf” verwendete. Durch eine Google-Bombe setzte sich die iranische Blogosphäre zumindest mit technischen Mitteln eindrucksvoll durch.
Doch diese Aktion machte iranische Behörden auf die Blogger-Szene im eigenen Land aufmerksam. 30 von ihnen wurden verhaftet, zwei davon zum Tode verurteilt und einer beging im Gefängnis Selbstmord. Die Blogger wurden eingeschüchtert und gezwungen die USA als Provokateure zu denunzieren, wie Mohammady berichtete.
Jeder Twitterer ist ein Aufrührer
Nach Protesten gegen die gefälschte Präsidentschaftswahl 2009 wurden Blogs gesperrt, um so weitere kritsche Berichterstattung zu verhindern. Als Reaktion darauf entdeckten iranische Blogger Twitter für sich. Zwei Tage lang konnten sie sich frei äußern und austauschen. Das Regime reagierte mit der Sperre von Twitter. Mit Hilfe von ausländischen Aktivisten wurden VPN-Verbindungen hergestellt, damit der Zugang frei blieb.
Twelve prisoners were hanged inside the Orumiyeh Central Prison between October 18 and October 29, nine of these for drug trafficking crimes, the International Campaign for Human Rights in Iran has learned.
According to a source, on October 18, 2014, five inmates sentenced to death on drug-related charges were transferred from the facility’s Ward 15 to its Quarantine Ward, and hanged at 11:30 p.m. The five inmates, all citizens of Orumiyeh, were Fakhreddin Ghavidel, Esfandiar Ghahremani, Nejat Karimi, Arash Sigari, and Bahram Seddighi.
Five other inmates, Salaheddin Behnam Kerdar, Rashid Alizadeh, Reza Tahmassebi, Younes Golbahar, and Latif Mohammadi, were executed in the same facility on October 26, 2014. All of them, except for Mohammadi, had been sentenced to death on charges of drug trafficking and possession.
According to the United Nations, death sentences may be assigned only in the case of the “most serious” crimes, and drug-related charges do not fulfill this requirement. The vast majority of executions in Iran are carried out for drug-related offenses.
Recently, Iran’s top human rights official, Mohammad Javad Larijani, stated in a CNN interview [Link: http://www.cnn.com/video/api/embed.html#/video/world/2014/10/29/intv-amanpour-michael-holmes-iran-jason-rezaian-mohammad-javad-larijani-journalists.cnn] that 80% of the executions in Iran are drug-related and that the “world should appreciate” Iran’s war on narcotics. The UN’s Special Rapporteur on human rights in Iran, however, stated in his most recent report that “The rise in executions for crimes that do not meet the threshold of ‘most serious crimes’…severely contravene[s] the [Iranian] Government’s international and national commitments.”
Iran has the highest per capita execution rate in the world. According to the UN’s Special Rapporteur on Iran, between July 2013 and June 2014, at least 852 individuals were executed.
Another one of the executed individuals, Latif Mohammadi, was charged with murder and armed robbery. However, the victim’s family subsequently forgave Mohammadi, and, under Iranian law, his Qisas (retaliatory death sentence) should have been either commuted or forgiven completely. Nevertheless, he remained on death row on the armed robbery charges and was executed along with the individuals convicted of drug crimes.
According to the source, on October 29, 2014, two other inmates, Ebrahim Choopani, a resident of Mahabad in Kurdistan Province arrested in 2009, and Yousef Hajiloo, a resident of Maku in West Azerbaijan Province arrested in 2008, were also hanged inside the Orumiyeh Prison for Qisas on charges of murder.
The Campaign and United Nations experts have called for an immediate moratorium on executions in Iran as Iran’s judicial process is characterized by an endemic lack of due process. Defendants are routinely denied access to counsel, forced under threat or torture to “confess,” and then convicted, including in capital cases, after brief, unfair trials.
Additionally, news of these twelve executions has not been announced by any official Iranian news media, continuing a long-standing pattern of a lack of transparency regarding executions in Iran.
Hamed Ahmadi, Sunni prisoner on death row, transferred from Ghezel Hesar to an unknown location.
Jahangir and Jamshid Dehghani, Sunni prisoners on death row, transferred from Ghezel Hesar to an unknown location.
Adnan Hasanpour transferred from Sanandaj to Marivan prison.
Mehdi Karroubi is back to safe house after 9 days in hospital.
Karim Marouf-Aziz back to Rejaei-Shahr after surgery.
Kamal Molaei, Sunni prisoner on death row, transferred from Ghezel Hesar to an unknown location.
Kasra Nouri, Gonabadi Dervish, exiled from Adel-Abad to Nezam prison.
Hani Yazerloo exiled to Vakil-Abad prison.
Ahmad, Khaled, Milad, Mohammad, Sadegh and Taregh Afravi arrested in Ahvaz during poet Mullah Fazel Sokrany burial and sent to Karoun prison.
Adnan and Azim Ayashi arrested in Ahvaz during poet Mullah Fazel Sokrany burial and sent to Karoun prison.
Ahmad, Ali-Haji, Ebrahim and Sejad Badavi arrested in Ahvaz during poet Mullah Fazel Sokrany burial and sent to Karoun prison.
Abdol-Hossein Baladi, retired teacher, arrested in Ahvaz.
Ahmad, Rasoul and Taemeh Barajeh arrested in Ahvaz during poet Mullah Fazel Sokrany burial and sent to Karoun prison.
Mohammad Bavi arrested in Ahvaz during poet Mullah Fazel Sokrany burial and sent to Karoun prison.
Journalist Dariush Elias begins serving his 5 years in Evin 350.
Mohammad-Amin Gherbavi arrested in Ahvaz during poet Mullah Fazel Sokrany burial and sent to Karoun prison.
Jasem Hajikian begins serving his 7 years sentence in Maku prison.
Hossein and Taemeh Hamoudi arrested in Ahvaz during poet Mullah Fazel Sokrany burial and sent to Karoun prison.
Majid Hashemi arrested in Ahvaz during poet Mullah Fazel Sokrany burial and sent to Karoun prison.
Ali-Kerker, Ghasem, Naeim and Salem Heidari arrested in Ahvaz during poet Mullah Fazel Sokrany burial and sent to Karoun prison.
Ghasem Herdani arrested in Ahvaz during poet Mullah Fazel Sokrany burial and sent to Karoun prison.
Mehrdad Jamshidpour, student, arrested.
Mohammad, Ghasem, Nouri and Rasoul Keroshavi arrested in Ahvaz during poet Mullah Fazel Sokrany burial and sent to Karoun prison.
Ali, Bandar, Ghader, Majed, Majid,Mohammad, Sattar and Valid Masoudi arrested in Ahvaz during poet Mullah Fazel Sokrany burial and sent to Karoun prison.
Mojtaba and Reza Mervani arrested in Ahvaz during poet Mullah Fazel Sokrany burial and sent to Karoun prison.
Hasan Saedi arrested in Ahvaz during poet Mullah Fazel Sokrany burial and sent to Karoun prison.
Jafar Silavi arrested in Ahvaz during poet Mullah Fazel Sokrany burial and sent to Karoun prison.
Saeed Soleimani arrested in Ahvaz during poet Mullah Fazel Sokrany burial and sent to Karoun prison.
Aref Sorkhi arrested in Ahvaz during poet Mullah Fazel Sokrany burial and sent to Karoun prison.
Hasan Tarafi arrested in Ahvaz during poet Mullah Fazel Sokrany burial and sent to Karoun prison.
Ahmad Zeidabadi is back to Rejaei-Shahr at the end of furlough.
More than 45 Arab activists arrested in Ahvaz.
Shabnam Madadzadeh freed at the end of her sentence.
Mohammad Mataji released on furlough.
Leftist student activist Arash Mohammadi released on furlough from Tabriz prison.
Zia Nabavi released on a 5 days furlough.
Hamed Ahmadi, Kurdish Sunni prisoner, stops his hunger strike.
Jahangir and Jamshid Dehghani, Kurdish Sunni prisoners, stop their hunger strike.
Kamal Molaei, Kurdish Sunni prisoner, stops his hunger strike.
Library of political prisoners in Rejaei Shahr sealed.
News of injustice in Iran
Shamim Etehadi sentenced by Appeals to 3 years in prison, 74 lashes, a two-year ban on leaving Iran, and a fine of 40 million rials.
Ali Kheirjoo sentenced by Appeals to 6 months.
University – Culture
Kurdish Baha’i student Gita Gouran denied access to University.
The monthly meeting of Iranian writers’ association banned.
IranTire workers gathered to protest the dismissal of 80 of their colleagues.
Petrochemical workers stop work over banned representative.
An Iranian diplomat assassinated in Sanaa.
Senegal to appoint ambassador, reopen embassy in Iran.
European Union is suspending some sanctions following nuclear agreement with Iran.
Canada upholds its sanctions.
Rouhani attends Davos forum, he meets Catherine Ashton, presidents of Switzerland and Azerbaijan and Barroso.
2 women die in the fire of a clothes factory in Tehran.
Influenza kills 9 people.
The imprisonment of journalists hit a record high in 2012, driven by the growing use of anti-terrorism charges to silence critical voices. This video, a centerpiece of CPJ’s new Free the Press campaign, details the plight of imprisoned journalists worldwide and describes how international advocacy can make a difference in winning the freedom of jailed reporters, editors, photojournalists, and bloggers. (4:40)
Adnan Hassanpour, Aso
Imprisoned: January 25, 2007
Security agents seized Hassanpour, editor of the now-defunct Kurdish-Persian weeklyAso, in his hometown of Marivan, Kurdistan province, according to news reports. In July 2007, a Revolutionary Court convicted Hassanpour on anti-state charges and sentenced him to death. After a series of appeals and reversals, he was sentenced in May 2010 to 15 years in prison, defense lawyer Saleh Nikbakht told the Reporters and Human Rights Activists News Agency.
The government’s case against Hassanpour amounted to a series of assertions by security agents, defense attorney Sirvan Hosmandi told CPJ in 2008. Hassanpour’s sister, Lily, told CPJ that she believed his critical writings were behind the charges. Hassanpour, 32, was being held at Sanandaj Central Prison in Kurdistan Province. He has not been allowed furlough, news reports said. Lies den Rest dieses Beitrags
Why They Left
Stories of Iranian Activists in Exile
- The Rise of Civil Society in the Khatami Era
- Targeting of Civil Society Activists During Ahmadinejad’s First Term..
- Crackdown on Protest and Civil Society After the June 2009 Election
- The “Iran Proxy” Affair and Local Rights Groups
- Minority Rights Activists
- Women’s Rights Activists
- Student Activists
- Journalists and Bloggers
- Human Rights Lawyers
- Minority Rights Activists
- Student Activists
- Journalists and Bloggers
- Iraq (Iraqi Kurdistan)
Map of Iran
Security forces arrested Rebin Rahmani on November 19, 2006, in Kermanshah, the capital of the western Iranian province of the same name. He had been researching the prevalence of drug addiction and HIV infections in Iran’s Kurdish-majority areas. Rahmani spent two months in detention facilities run by the Intelligence Ministry, and was interrogated by intelligence agents in both Kermanshah and Sanandaj, the main city in the adjacent Iranian province of Kurdistan. During his time in detention, he was subjected to several rounds of interrogation accompanied by physical and psychological torture. In January 2007, a revolutionary court sentenced Rahmani to five years in prison on charges of “acting against national security” and “propaganda against the state.” The sentence was handed down after a 15-minute trial during which Rahmani had no access to a lawyer.
Upon his release from prison in the latter part 2008, Rahmani learned that he had been dismissed from university and could no longer continue his education. He became active with a local rights group, but was forced to leave the country in 2011 and apply for refugee status in Iraqi Kurdistan due to mounting pressure against him and his family.
Rahmani is one of scores of journalists, bloggers, human rights activists, and lawyers who have fled Iran since the government embarked on a major campaign of repression following the widespread popular demonstrations against alleged vote-rigging in the June 2009 presidential election, which handed a second term of office to President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. The government’s repression has involved a range of serious and intensifying human rights violations that include extra-judicial killings, torture, arbitrary arrest and detention, and widespread infringements of Iranians’ rights to freedom of assembly and expression.
This report gathers evidence of this campaign of repression from some of its principal victims: Iranian civil society activists. Because Human Rights Watch is unable to work in Iran, most of documentation presented in the report is based on interviews with activists like Rahmani who fled the country to seek refugee status in neighboring Turkey and Iraqi Kurdistan following the 2009 post-election crackdown. The report focuses on four groups: human rights activists, journalists and bloggers, human rights lawyers, and protesters or persons who volunteered for the presidential campaigns of opposition members Mir Hossein Mousavi and Mehdi Karroubi and were targeted by security and intelligence forces. This report discusses why they left and some of the challenges they face in Turkey and Iraqi Kurdistan as asylum seekers and refugees.
Although most of the hundreds of thousands who took to the streets to protest the June 2009 presidential election result had not been political or civil society activists, they nonetheless found themselves targets of security and intelligence forces. After public protests came to an end, the authorities continued their relentless assault on all forms of dissent, targeting civil society groups and activists who had little if any connection to the protests themselves but whom they deemed to be supporters of a “velvet revolution” working to undermine the foundations of the Islamic Republic.
Along with members of the political opposition, human rights activists, journalists and bloggers, and rights lawyers bore the brunt of these attacks. Security forces arrested and detained scores of activists, including those advocating on behalf of ethnic minorities, women, and students, and subjected many to trials that did not meet international fair trial standards. Dozens remain in prison on charges of speech crimes such as “acting against the national security,” “propaganda against the state,” or “membership in illegal groups or organizations.”
In addition to the several show trials that authorities convened before television cameras where civil society activists and members of the opposition were indicted for attempting to bring about a “velvet revolution,” one of several landmark events which cast a chilling shadow over Iranian civil society in the months following the June 2009 election was the so called “Iran Proxy” affair. In March 2010, the public prosecutor announced they had arrested 30 or so persons involved in what the authorities said was a plot by the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to destabilize the government. The prosecutor accused those arrested of implementing a plot code-named “Iran Proxy” under the cover of several local non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Revolutionary courts tried, convicted, and sentenced to lengthy prison sentences several of those arrested on national security charged based largely on forced confessions.
The post-2009 crackdown has had a profound impact on civil society in Iran. No truly independent rights organizations can openly operate in the country in the current political climate. Many of the most prominent human rights defenders and journalists are in prison or exile, and other activists are subjected to constant harassment and arbitrary arrest. An indication of the lengths to which the government has gone to stifle civil society and dissent is its targeting of lawyers who have chosen to defend activists and dissidents arrested and charged by the authorities. In recent years, the pressure on rights lawyers defending activists has been unprecedented. Several prominent lawyers, like Nobel Peace Laureate Shirin Ebadi, traveled to European countries and stayed there after it became clear they could not go back without facing harassment, arrest or imprisonment on politically motivated charges.
Others, like Mohammad Mostafaei and Mohammad Olyaeifard, sought refuge abroad. Mostafaei fled Iran after authorities repeatedly summoned him for questioning and detained his wife, father-in-law, and brother-in-law. He is currently residing in Norway. More recently, Olyaeifard, another prominent Iranian lawyer who represented many high profile cases before Iran’s civil and revolutionary courts, was forced to leave the country after serving a one year prison sentence for “propaganda against the state,” imposed by the authorities because he spoke out against the execution of one of his clients during interviews with international media.
The targeting of civil society began well before 2009. The election of Ahmadinejad to his first term as president in 2005 signaled the rise of a populist conservative force, headed by Revolutionary Guards and the associated Basij forces (a paramilitary volunteer militia closely linked with the Revolutionary Guards), with the blessing of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and his allies.
Under Ahmadinejad’s presidency, the attitude of the government shifted from the cautious encouragement of NGOs that had characterized the approach under Ahmadinejad’s predecessor, Mohamed Khatami, to one of suspicion and open hostility. The government increasingly applied a “security framework” in its approach to NGOs, often accusing them of being “tools of foreign agendas.” Authorities also suppressed the work of activists by denying permits to NGOs to operate, often refusing to provide written explanations when rejecting applications, as required by Iranian law.
The increased pressures on civil society activists under Ahmadinejad led some to seek refuge abroad. Since 2009, there has been a noticeable increase in the number of civil society activists who have applied for asylum and resettlement to third countries. According to statistics compiled by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) from 44 industrialized countries that conduct individual asylum procedures, there were 11, 537 new asylum applications from Iranians to these 44 countries in 2009; 15,185 in 2010; and 18,128 in 2011. The largest number of new asylum applications was lodged in neighboring Turkey, which saw a 72 percent increase in the number of Iranian asylum seekers between 2009 and 2011.
The majority of Iranian activists fleeing persecution or the threat of persecution registered refugee claims with the offices of UNHCR in Turkey or Iraqi Kurdistan. The Turkish government has only been willing to provide temporary asylum to Iranian refugees, contingent on UNHCR’s commitment to try to resettle them in third countries. Some activists, especially members of the Kurdish minority, have sought refuge in neighboring Iraqi Kurdistan. Many Iranian refugees there said they did not feel fully secure and were desperate to resettle to a third country as soon as possible.
Human Rights Watch calls on Iran to end its repression of protesters and civil society activists. Iranian activists, government critics, and dissidents should not face the stark choice of risking imprisonment or abandoning their country because they chose to exercise their rights to free speech, peaceful assembly, or association.
Human Rights Watch calls on the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) to protect the safety and welfare of Iranian refugees and refrain from threats or harassment against those who continue to pursue nonviolent political or rights activities during their time as refugees, and the Turkish government to create conditions that will allow registered refugees and asylum seekers to live and work comfortably while they are waiting for resettlement to a third country. Turkey should also allow Dr. Ahmed Shaheed, the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Iran, access to the country in his official capacity so that he may meet with Iranian refugees and document cases of rights abuses per his mandate.
Finally, Human Rights Watch calls on countries outside the region to speedily process claims of Iranian refugees who urgently need to leave the region and to offer generous numbers of resettlement places for refugees with no other options for durable asylum.
ABOUT THIS REPORT
Stories of Iranian Activists in Exile
Spezialventile waren offiziell für Abnehmer in der Türkei und Aserbaidschan bestimmt
Karlsruhe – Wegen des Verdachts illegaler Lieferungen für das iranische Atomprogramm haben deutsche Behörden vier Männer festgenommen. Sie sollen in den Jahren 2010 und 2011 an der Lieferung von Spezialventilen für den Bau eines Schwerwasserreaktors im Iran mitgewirkt und dadurch gegen das Iran-Embargo verstoßen haben, teilte die Generalstaatsanwaltschaft am Mittwoch mit.
Offiziell seien die Ventile für Abnehmer in der Türkei und Aserbaidschan bestimmt gewesen. Die vier in Hamburg, Oldenburg und Weimar festgenommenen Deutschen, von denen drei auch die iranische Staatsbürgerschaft besitzen, sollen aber gewusst haben, dass es sich dabei um Tarnfirmen handelte, die die Ventile dann in den Iran weiter lieferten.