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Dawud Gholamasad: Zur Notwendigkeit präventiver gewaltloser humanitärer Interventionen in Iran angesichts institutionalisierter Verletzung der Menschenrechte

Dawud Gholamasad

Zur Notwendigkeit präventiver gewaltloser humanitärer Interventionen in Iran angesichts institutionalisierter Verletzung der Menschenrechte

„Die Statthalterschaft des Faghih (Theokratie, D.G.) ist eine relative Angelegenheit, sie wird durch Ernennung übertragen, ein Akt, der vergleichbar ist mit der Ernennung eines Vormundes für Minderjährige. Vom Standpunkt der Aufgabe und der Stellung besteht kein Unterschied zwischen dem Vormund der Nation und einem Vormund für Minderjährige“ (Khomeini)1.

In diesem Beitrag möchte ich kurz die Notwendigkeit gewaltloser humanitärer Intervention in Iran angesichts institutionalisierter Verletzung der Menschenrechte begründen und zwar in Anbetracht der durch das Ergebnis der Präsidentschaftswahlen in Iran und der illusionären Erwartungen, die Rohanis Wahlversprechen erweckt haben. Zumal die Charmeoffensive Rohanis und die seines als versiert gehandelten Außenministers Zarif diese Illusion noch verstärkt hat. Denn es gibt unzählige Versprechen, deren systemimmanente Erfüllung beim besten Willen mit unüberwindbaren institutionalisierten Hindernissen konfrontiert ist. Ihre Erfüllung würde nicht nur die Abschaffung der verfassungsmäßig verankerten Scharia als Bezugsrahmen jeglicher Entscheidungs- und Handlungsspielräume voraussetzen2 sondern auch die „totale Herrschaft des Theokraten“, der sich als „Vormund der Nation“ begreift und eine totale „Gleichschaltung“ der Gesellschaft anstrebt.

  1. Zu illusionären Erwartungen, die Rohanis Wahlversprechen erweckt haben

Zu diesen unerfüllbaren Wahlversprechen gehören u. a. die versprochene Überwindung der Frauen- und konfessionellen Diskriminierungen3, die zuweilen mit ethnischen Diskriminierungen einhergehen. Eine Institutionalisierung der Freiheit und Gleichheit im Sinne der zunehmenden Erweiterung der Entscheidungs- und Handlungsspielräume der Menschen als Einzelne und unabhängig von ihren Gruppenzugehörigkeiten ist im Rahmen der „Islamische Republik“ ein unmögliches Unterfangen, selbst wenn Rohani ein „Charta der Freiheiten“ in Aussicht stellt. Dies hat nicht nur die bisherige Erfahrung der Menschen seit der Konstitution dieser „Republik“ bewiesen. Das dieser Staatsform zugrunde liegende Menschenbild als ewig unmündige Menschen widerspricht der individuellen Freiheit, Gleichheit und dem Ethos der Menschenrechte. Als ewig unmündige Menschen haben Menschen demnach keine Rechte sondern nur religiöse Pflichten. Dies drückt sich nicht nur in den verfassungsmäßigen Einschränkungen aller in der Verfassung verankerten bürgerlichen Rechte und Menschenrechte durch die Scharia aus, sondern auch in der Islamisierung der Menschenrechte, die anstatt den Islam zu humanisieren die Menschenrechte archaisiert, indem sie die vorislamischen archaischen Verhaltens- und Erlebensmuster der arabischen Stämme zu „Gottes Gesetz“ erklärt und diese Scharia als einzigen Bezugsrahmen aller Menschenrechte zugrunde legt.4

Hinzu kommt der Charakter der „Islamischen Republik“ als eine Quadratur des Kreises, die sich als Folge einer Veralltäglichung der charismatischen Herrschaft Khomeinis ergab. Denn die „islamische Republik“ ist Folge der „Islamisierung“ einer Revolution, die als Funktion einer wachstumsorientierten Modernisierung eine funktionelle Demokratisierung der Gesellschaft, im Sinne der Verschiebung der Machtbalance zwischen Etablierten und Außenseiter zugunsten der Letzteren, Vorschubleistete und zugleich die institutionelle Demokratisierung der Gesellschaft und des sozialen Habitus der involvierten Menschen unterband. Die Islamisierung der Revolution ist daher ein Nachhinkeffekt des sozialen Habitus der sie tragenden Menschen. Sie manifestierte sich in ihrem autoritären Charakter, der die charismatische Führungsfunktion Khomeinis hervorbrachte.

Bei dieser „Islamisierung“ der nachrevolutionären Staatsgesellschaft dominierte vor allem die Durchsetzung des dogmatischen Gehaltes einer Zwölfer schiitischen Lesart des Islams, die gegenwärtig durch Extremkonservativen „Usulgerajan“ („Prinzipienorientierte“/ „Glaubensaxiome Orientierten“) repräsentiert wird, während mit der Unterdrückung der liberalen Islamisten der ethische Gehalt der Religion zunehmend in Vergessenheit geriet. Diese Vernachlässigung des ethischen Gehaltes des Islam ergab sich aus der von Khomeini geforderten Systemerhaltung um jeden Preis, die zu einer Glorifizierung einer besonderen Lesart der versteinerten Dogmen führte. Denn für Khomeini hatte die Systemerhaltung im Sinne der machiavellistische Sicherung der „Schriftgelehrten Herrschaft“ absolute Priorität („odjeb-e vadjebat“), wofür sogar die Primärgebote des Islams zeitweise suspendiert werden dürften. Durch die Verfassungsreform unmittelbar vor dem Ableben Khomeinis wurde der totalitäre Charakter der etablierten theokratischen Herrschaft in Form der „absoluten Schriftgelehrten Herrschaft“ sogar gesteigert und als ewig unveränderbar festgeschrieben. Seitdem ist sogar jede kritische Äußerung gegen diese Herrschaftsform strafbar. Dafür werden alle mobilisierbare Machtquellen eingesetzt um diese Herrschaft auch gewaltsam aufrechtzuerhalten, weswegen man auch von einer totalitäreren Gewaltherrschaft bzw. „Polizeistaat“ sprechen kann. Nicht nur verschiedene Sicherheitsorgane des Innenministeriums und das offizielle Nachrichtendienst, das unter direkte Kommando des Führers stehen sorgen für die „Staatssicherheit“; sondern auch die allgegenwärtige „Revolutionsgarde“ mit ihrer zahlreichen „Kulturellen“, „ökonomischen“, „politischen“, „ideologischen“ u.a. „kampffronten“. Mit ihrer unter der direkten Befehlsgewalt des Führers stehenden parallelen Geheidienst mit eigenen Gefängnissen und verhörpersonal, die informell nicht nur die Anklageschriften anhand der unter Folterung erpressten Geständnisse formulieren, sondern auch die Strafmaß jeweils vorgeben. In diesem System fungieren die, das Recht beugenden, „Richter“ lediglich als juristisches Feigenblatt der Gewaltherrschaft der „Revolutionsgarde“, deren rechtswidrige Handlungen sie juristisch legitimieren. Lies den Rest dieses Beitrags

Campaign Posters Capture Rivalries

by Garrett Nada

In flashy campaign art, Iran’s six presidential candidates are pulling at public heartstrings and playing on haunting moments in Iranian history to rally votes. Posters are now plastered across billboards, fences, office blocks and the sides of cars as well as on Facebook, Twitter and Google Plus accounts—some of which are actually banned in Iran. Each candidate has his own buzzwords drawing on his past as a war hero, top adviser to the supreme leader, moderate cleric or peace negotiator. 

SAEED JALILI
      Jalili is a war veteran who lost a leg fighting Iraq in the 1980s—and his posters ooze with sacrifice and nationalism. His slogan, “Resistance is the key to success,” draws on imagery from a war that ended a quarter century ago but still influences politics. This poster encourages Iranians to fulfill their national duty to vote while recalling their past duty to defend the country. A hardliner, Jalili has run the most ideological campaign of the six candidates. He is currently secretary of the Supreme National Security Council and Iran’s chief nuclear negotiator. Jalili accuses other candidates of being too soft on national security issues.
MOHAMMAD-BAQER QALIBAF 
      Qalibaf is a “man of action”― and his posters gush with images of him on the job. Websites and blogs by the “Lovers of Qalibaf” depict the Tehran mayor overseeing the building of bridges, highways and parks to illustrate his slogan: “Jihadi management versus capitalism.” A pragmatic conservative, Qalibaf balances his image as a manager with security credentials. Four pictures on the left are from his days as a Revolutionary Guard on the Iran-Iraq war front.

The Crying Game Comes To Iran’s Election

By Golnaz Esfandiari, RFE/RL

Archive footage of the announcement of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini’s death is rolling. Somber music is playing in the background. And the eyes of a presidential candidate are welling up with tears.


Sobbing gently, Ali Akbar Velayati views black-and-white slides from his days as foreign minister.

The memory of the 1989 death of the Islamic republic’s founder is a painful one for many Iranians, and tears roll freely down candidate Ali Akbar Velayati’s cheek as he watches grainy images of people beating their chests and wailing in mourning. Sobbing gently, Velayati views black-and-white slides from his days as foreign minister before he exits slowly under dimmed theater lights. Lies den Rest dieses Beitrags

Iran in June: A Fever Pitch of Football and Politics

By Holly Dagres (This article originally appeared in Muftah.org )


Iran President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad training with Team Melli, Iran’s national football team, in 2006
(Photo Credit: Fars)

With so much attention focused on Iran’s upcoming presidential election, another contest of great domestic and international importance is going largely unnoticed by the media: the FIFA World Cup qualifiers.

Iran’s national football squad, Team Melli, will play several qualifying games over the next few weeks, including against Qatar on June 4, Lebanon on June 11, and South Korea, perhaps its most daunting competitor, on June 18.

The Lebanon match, taking place just three days before the June 14 election, will be held at the roughly 120,000-seat Azadi Stadium in Tehran.

For years, Iran’s contentious domestic politics and love for “the beautiful game” have intersected, and sometimes collided, inspiring Iranians to take the streets to express their joy as well as their grievances. This June may be no different. Lies den Rest dieses Beitrags

Iran Today: Presidential Election — The Significance of Funerals and Football

Iran’s Presidential candidates seized the opportunity on Tuesday to make political capital from two important events — the ceremony commemorating the death of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini and Iran’s victory over Qatar in a World Cup qualifying match.

Candidates Saeed Jalili and Mohammad-Baqer Qalibaf at Tuesday’s ceremony on the anniversary of the death of Ayatollah Khomeini

A Jalili supporter outside the ceremony

Moderate candidate Hassan Rouhani did not attend the Khomeini ceremony. Instead, he grabbed headlines by travelling to Isfahan to attend the funeral of Grand Ayatollah Jalaleddin Taheri. Lies den Rest dieses Beitrags

Supreme Leader Blasts Foreign Plots in Vote

      On June 4, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei charged that foreign powers are plotting to discourage Iranians from voting in the upcoming presidential election. Tehran’s enemies also want to cause “sedition” after the poll “just like what they did” after the disputed 2009 election, Khamenei claimed in a televised speech. He spoke to thousands at a ceremony marking the 24th anniversary of the passing of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, founder of the Islamic Republic. Khamenei also encouraged Iranians to vote in large numbers on June 14 to show their confidence in the political system. He warned candidates against “making impossible promises” and giving concessions to the West. The following are excerpts from Khamenei’s official Twitter account and a variety of press reports. 

Presidential Election
            Iran’s enemies “wish for either a low turnout in the election or sedition to emerge after the poll…The enemies are seeking to portray the election as a threat to the Islamic establishment whereas the vote is in fact a great opportunity.”
            “Candidates shouldn’t make impossible promises. Speak in a way that if next year at this time you listen to a recording of yourself or people do, you won’t be ashamed. Make promises that you can deliver on so that afterwards you don’t say that they didn’t let me do this or didn’t let me do that.”
            “A vote for any of these eight candidates is a vote for the Islamic Republic and a vote of confidence in the system and our electoral process.”
            Some candidates “have the wrong analysis that by giving concessions to enemies, their anger towards Iran will be reduced. This is a mistake… In practice [they] prefer the enemies‘ interests to our national ones.“ Lies den Rest dieses Beitrags

Persian Press on the Race: June 4

The Iran Election Update is a daily summary of up-to-date information with links to news in both English and Farsi.

June 4, 2013
  • Ahead of tomorrow night’s second televised presidential debate with all the candidates, Mehr News has published a list of 30 questions asked by “cultural experts” because the theme of the debate is society and culture. Some of the topic questions include “government interference in media, politicization of culture, job security for artists, the relationship between government and films, Iranian cinema in the international arena, candidate familiarity with art, and the struggling theater arts situation” to name a few.
  • Tabnak News posts the uncensored version of presidential candidate Mohsen Rezaei’s first TV campaign documentary. The 25-minute documentary discusses social ills such as poverty as well as domestic political challenges. Rezaei has been campaigning in the northern Iranian province of Golestan, and according to Tabnak, the crowd in the northern city of Sari was so large that Rezaei was barely audible at some points during his speech. Photos reveal the large energetic crowd. While trying to appeal to artists ahead of the cultural debate, Rezaei said, “It’s not right for our artists to be forced to leave Iran (exiled), the first thing I will do for art is take the political and security foothold out of culture, art, sports, and architecture.” Photos of Rezaei supporters in the northern city of Gorgan demonstrate his popularity as well as the wide age range of his supporters.
  • In a six-minute clip of a promotional campaign video for candidate Ali Akbar Velayati, the presidential candidate becomes emotional as he watches old footage of himself and begins toweep as images of the late Ayatollah Khomeini in his final days are shown.
  • While addressing a ceremony at Imam Khomeini’s Mausoleum in southern Tehran to commemorate the 24th anniversary of the passing of the founder of the Islamic Republic, Ayatollah Khomeini, Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei said, “I don’t have an opinion on any of the candidates,” and “every vote in the election is a vote of confidence in the electoral process.” At the same ceremony, the grandson of the late Ayatollah Khomeini, Seyed Hassan Khomeini, stated, “We are hopeful that with these elections, we can fix our current (political) situation.” Photos of the event reveal President Ahmadinejad, former president Hashemi Rafsanjani, current head of the judiciary Sadegh Larijani, and his brother, Speaker of Parliament Ali Larijani all being present as well.
  • In a televised interview, candidate Hassan Rouhani said, “I have no problem working with Principalists or Reformists, I have a problem with extremists…and I have come to replace extremism with moderation.” ISNA posts photos of Rouhani campaigning in the city of Isfahan, as well as photos of candidate Saeed Jalili making a late-night campaign visit to the southern city of Ahvaz.
  • While visiting the city of Qazvin, candidate Mohammed Reza Aref said, “Hashemi Rafsanjani and Mohammed Khatami need to review the situation, after in which they should decide if I stay or quit the race.” There has been much speculation if Aref will step down in favor of Hassan Rouhani.
  • Fars News posts photos of candidate Mohammed Bagher Qalibaf making a campaign stop at the University of Lorestan in the western city of Khorramabad. Qalibaf told his supporters, “Lorestan is one of the most deprived provinces in Iran, the lagging of this province is an old wound and I have promised myself that it is my responsibility and priority to address the needs of this province.”
  • In Esfahan today, during the funeral procession of Ayatollah Jalal Al-Din Taheri, a close confidant of the late Ayatollah Khomeini and supporter of the Green Movement, parts of the extremely large funeral procession began to chant “death to the dictator,” as well as other slogans supporting the Green Movement. BBC Persian provides a video clip in which people are chanting, “Mousavi and Karroubi must be freed!” Presidential candidate Hassan Rouhani was said to be present in the funeral procession as well.

 

Iran’s Supreme Leader: Vote for any candidate is a vote for Islamic Republic

Source: Islamic Republic News Agency

Supreme Leader of Islamic Revolution said at commemoration service of 24th demise anniversary of founder of Islamic Republic, Imam Khomeini, that votes for any candidate of Presidential Election would be confidence votes for Islamic Republic and electionˈs authenticity.


Political Participation – cartoon by Mana Neyestani

According to an IRNA reporter at the commemoration service site at the courtyard of the late Imam Khomeiniˈs mausoleum, the ceremony was held in the presence of the heads of the three branches of power, the state and military officials, a large number of people form all walks of life, and representatives of different religions and foreign countries in Iran. Lies den Rest dieses Beitrags

Khomeini’s Rebel Grandchildren

By Helia Ighani and Garrett Nada
On the eve of a pivotal election, Iran’s theocratic regime faces one of its most striking challenges from the grandchildren of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, the revolutionary leader who mobilized millions to end more than 2,500 years of dynastic rule. Seven of the 15 grandchildren have openly criticized the laws and the leadership since the mid-1990s. Two have publicly disapproved of election practices in the 2013 presidential poll. Four supported reformist candidates in the disputed 2009 presidential election.


            Iranians “consider us faithful custodians of the thoughts of the Imam Khomeini, and so we get upset with whoever wants to move our country and our revolution away from the path outlined by the founder of the Islamic Republic,” Ali Eshraghi, a grandson, told the Italian Adnkronos International news agency in 2008. Eshraghi is an advocate of major reforms who was once barred from running for parliament.
      Khomeini and his wife Batoul had five children. After his death in 1989, Khomeini’s daughter Zahra Mostafavi was the first family member to challenge the regime. In an open letter in May 2013, she urged the supreme leader to reverse the Guardian Council’s barring of former President Ali Hashemi Rafsanjani from running for president. She heads a party that advocates for women’s rights and increased political participation. The following is a rundown on the seven rebel grandchildren.

The Supreme Leader’s Revenge

Alireza Nader

Iranian politics are personal. Indeed, the theocrats are decidedly earthly in their rivalries. But the 2013 election is particularly telling. It may be settling a score dating back a quarter century between the revolution’s two most enduring politicos—Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and former President Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani.

      The two men have competed for power and the right to define the revolution since the death of revolutionary leader Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in 1989. Rafsanjani originally had the upper hand in two sweeping changes. He oversaw constitutional changes that created an executive president, which he then ran for and won. And, in Tehran’s worst-kept secret, he orchestrated Khamenei’s selection as the new supreme leader, reportedly because Khamenei was a middle-ranking cleric and dour figure who could not rival Rafsanjani’s political base or charismatic wiles. Khamenei actually owes his power and position to Rafsanjani, the man known in Iran as the “shark.”
      But since 1989, Rafsanjani’s master plan has gradually unraveled. In 2013, Khamenei has now managed not only to emerge from Khomeini’s shadow. He has also sidelined most of his old rivals, including the crafty Rafsanjani. On May 21, Rafsanjani was disqualified from running for the presidency—even though the 12-man Guardian Council had qualified him to run in three earlier elections. He had been elected twice. Rafsanjani is 78. Winning elected political office is likely to be increasingly difficult. Hardliners in parliament even considered legislation this year that would bar any candidate over the age of 75. Lies den Rest dieses Beitrags
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